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What Makes Vietnamese So Chinese?
An Introduction to Sinitic-Vietnamese Studies

DRAFT
Table of Contents

dchph

(Continued)

2) Comparative Mon-Khmer and Vietnamese basic words

Overall, lexical correspondences among those basic words in MK languages with V could point to V as the source whereas many are cognate to those of either or both C and other ST languages (for ST, see next chapter). We are going to discuss some of these matters in this section. Linguists of V commonly started out with a usual approach, that is, they examine only scattered words of V cognate to those existing in neighboring languages of MK origin, similarly as with the case of Danaw in Luce's list. There is no surprise that this methology has been widely employed by many specialists of V, many being based on the basic common word lists in comparative works between V and other MK languages like the two lists compiled by Thomas (1966, p.194) and Wilson (1966) to be listed below as they have become major influential works in the field of comparative MK lexical studies. For that reason, we are about to examine both one after another.

Thomas started out with the premise that "language relationships can only be established with certainty by a study of phoneme shifts and mergers, as their imprint is indelible, while lexical and syntactical features are easily erased." Interestingly, it is especially true when we apply that very principle in comparative work of V with other ST languages as we will continue to do in the next chapter. However, as a word of caution, even though the idea is commonly practiced as a linguistic norm started probably by a school initiated by Bloomfield, this approach needs to be proceeded with some reservations because cognates are found scattered widely and not uniformly proved to belong to the same realm of certain lexical classes, or even categories, in different languages. For this reason we normally have to filter borrowings partially due to geographical proximity between languages, like in the case of V and MK languages. Also, for the same reason, mere coincidental factor is oftentimes associated with monosyllabic words, for instance, like /pa/ and /pa/, the etymon /mat/ equivalent to 'eye' seem to appear in almost all Austroasiatic, Austronesian, and ST languages (some author accounts that as lexical residues from ancestral mother language of all world's languages today. )(See Roland Breton, J.-L. 1991.)

Let’s now examine all the entries in the word list of MK languages as selected by Thomas, who completed the work with the help of local field recorders. He states that they are genetically related with those of V:

Vietnamese Sedang Katu Brôu Chrau Comments and elaboration with possible cognate to Chinese etyma by dchph
mũi (nose) moâh moh múh muh 鼻 bí (SV tỵ) [ M 鼻 bí < MC pɦji < OC *bji | Pulleyblank : The Yuan and modern Mandarin readings as well as in many other modern dialects (e.g. Taiyuan piə', Amoy literary pit), imply E. bjit, L. pɦjit. | ¶ b- ~ m-. Like the cae of the basic 'tai' listed next, this C cognate interpration is speculative. ]
mắt (eye) mañ mat moat mat mù 目 (SV mục) [ M 目 mù < MC mouk < OC *moukʷ | Chin. dialect: Hainanese /mat/ | However, interestingly, this etymon seems to appear similar virtually in most of Asian languages as /mat/. ]
tai (ear) tuat katǒr kutôur tôr 耷 tāp [ M dā 耷 tāp (big ear), Siamese, Lao tūp_ (pendant ears) (p. 71) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc hu, Tho su, Nung khyu, Cao-lan lɯ Sui qha, Mak tśha, Bê sa, Li say (p. 488) | Also, Chin. #耳朵 ěrtuō (SV nhĩđoá) ~ VS 'lỗtai' | M 耳 ěr, rén, rěng < MC ɳy < OC *nhjəʔ || M 朵 duǒ < MC twʌ < OC *to:jʔ | See elaboration in the above section. | cf. VS 'lưng' <~ ® M 脊梁 jǐliáng: VS 'sốnglưng' (body's back) ]
đầu (head) ko âkoq plaư bôq 頭 tóu (đầu) [ M 頭 tóu < MC dɤw < OC *dho: ]
miệng (mouth) rakong bop bouq mưnh 吻(脗) wěn (SV vẫn) [ ~ VS 'mồm' | M 吻(脗) wěn < MC ʋyun < OC *ʋun, mun | ¶ w- ~ m- | See next chapter on ST.]
răng (tooth) haneq kaiâng kaneing sềch 牙 yá 'tooth' (SV nha) [ It also means 'tusk, ivory’ VS 'ngà' | M 牙 yá < MC ŋya < OC *ŋrya:| MC reading 假開二平麻疑 | Sound change pattern ¶ y- ~ r-: 硬 yìng: dai ~ rắn, 阮 ruăn (nguyễn) ~ 元 yuán; 悒悒 yìyì: rayrứt; 耀 yáo: rọi; 隐 yǐn (riêng) as in 隐私 yǐnsī: riêngtư; 夭夭 yāoyāo: rậmrạp; 蝇 yíng: ruồi (nhặng), 芽 yá: măng, 崖 yá: rặng(núi), 曰 yuè: rằng...| ex. quányá 犬牙 răngkhểnh 'cranine', # yáròu 牙肉: nướurăng (~lợirăng) 'gum', yáchǐ 牙齒: răngcỏ 'teeth', etc. ]
lưỡi (tongue) rapiê ntak liaiq lơpiêt 舌 shé (SV thiệt) [ M 舌 shé < MC ʑet < OC *lat | FQ 食列 | According to Starostin : Protoform *la>j(H) ( / *la>t; m-). Meaning: tongue . Chinese: 舐 *lajʔ (~-eʔ) to lick; 舌 *lat tongue. Tibetan: ltɕe tongue; blade; flame. Burmese: hlja tongue, LB *s-lja. Kachin: s^iŋlet2 the tongue, (H) lai id. Lushei: lei tongue, KC *m-lei. Lepcha: li/, a-li/ the tongue. Comments: PG *le\; Mikir de; BG: Garo sre, Dimasa salai; Namsangia thali; Kham se:; Kanauri le; Rgyarung smi; Rawang phjəle|, Trung pjə3-la>i2; Vayu li; Newari me ~ mye. Sh. 40, 121, 124, 136, 166, 434; Ben. 64. | See more in the next chapter on ST. ]
vai (shoulder) kasyah chrlang apal pơniq 肩 jiān (SV kiên) [ M 肩 jiān, xián, hén < MC kien, ɠien < OC *ke:n, *ghe:n, *ghə:n | ex. 'bảvai' 肩膀 jiānbăn ~ 肩背 jiānbèi (shoulders), 'chenvai' 並肩 bìngjiān (shoulder to shoulder) ]
cổ (neck) krôk tuar takong ngko 喉 hóu (SV hầu) [ M 喉 hóu < MC ɠʊw < OC *ghro: | According to Starostin: for OC *gh- cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou au2, Protoform: *khrjə:w (~gh-,qh-,Gh-), Meaning: throa, Chinese: *gh(r)o: throat, Tibetan: kru-kru windpipe (cf. also mgur, mgul throat, neck, ko-ko throat, chin), Kachin: z^|jəkhro1 the throat, gullet. ]
tay (hand) koq tey atêi ti 手 shǒu (SV thủ) [ M QT 手 shǒu < MC ʂjəw < OC *ɫhuʔ | Pt 書九 | Dialects: Amoy chiu3, Chaozhou chiu3, Fukienese: chiu3. | Starostin: Proto-Austro-Asiatic: *tǝj, Proto-Viet-Muong: *sɤj, Proto-Vietic: *sɤj, Thomon: sai.4, Tum: sǝj.45, Proto-Katuic: *tǝj., Khmer: taj < OK taj | Note: From MC FQ, we have: th+ ữu ~> thửu % tửu ~> tay (?) | § 空手道 Kōngshǒudào: (Viet.) 'Karate' (Eng. 'Karate') <~ kara 'không' + te 'thủ' (Japanese) | x. bàntay 巴掌 bāzhăng, 掌 zhăng (chưởng), cùichỏ, khuỷutay 手肘 shǒuzhǒu (thủtrửu) | ex. 空手 kōngshǒu (taykhông) 'empty-handed', 手藝 shǒuyì (taynghề) 'skill', 一手 yīshǒu (mộtay) 'personally', 親手 qīnshǒu (chínhtay) 'by one's own', 手冊 shǒuce (sổtay) 'handbook'. There is also 臂 bì (SV tý) 'arm' ~ < VS 'tay' for 'hand' | M 臂 bì, bèi < MC pje < OC *peks ]
da (skin) kea ngkar nghkâr ntô 膚 fū (SV phu) [ M 膚 fū < MC pʊ < OC *pra ]
xương (bone) kasyeng nghang nghang ntin 腔 qiāng (SV xoang) [ M腔 qiāng (xoang, khang) < MC khjawŋ < OC *khaɨwŋ | Shuowen: 内空也。从肉从空，空亦聲。苦江切 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》苦江切《集韻》《韻會》枯江切，𠀤音啌。《說文》內空也。《集韻》骨體曰腔。　又馬膁也。《齊民要術》相馬法，腸欲充，腔欲小。| ex. 腔骨 qiānggǔ (xươngcốt) 'bone' ]
mỡ (fat) romañ nchiâng naseing lơvau 肥 féi (SV phì) [ M 肥 féi < MC bwyj < OC *bjəj | ¶ f-, b- ~ m- ]
máu (blood) mahêámp aham aham n'ham 衁 huāng, nǜ ~ ht. M 亡 wáng (vong, vô) < MC mwaŋ < OC *maŋ | cđ MC 宕合三平陽微 | Pt 武方 | Shuowen: 血也。从血亡聲。《春秋傳》曰：“士刲羊，亦無衁也。”呼光切〖注〗《字彙》作𥁃。又𧖬、𧖭，同。| Kangxi: 【唐韻】【集韻】【正韻】𠀤呼光切，音荒。【說文】血也。【左傳·僖十五年】士刲羊，亦無衁也。【韓愈詩】衁池波風肉陵屯。【字彙】又入皿部，書作𥁃，非。| According to Bodman, Nicholas C. 1980. 'Proto-Chinese and Sino-Tibetan,' (in Frans Van Coetsem et al. (eds.) Contributions to Historical Linguistics) (p.120) : 'An interesting hapax legomenon for 'blood' appears in the Dzo Zhuan which has an obvious Austroasiatic origin: Proto-Mnong *mham, Proto-North Bahmaric *maham, 衁 hmam > hmang > ɣuáng.' ]
tim (heart) ihiam yâyul kớl palhaưm nus 心 xīn (SV tâm) [ M 心 xīn < MC sjɔm < OC*sjɔm | Hainanese /tim/ ]
ruột (intestines) hatêa/klea luânh ruaiq tơlaq 腸 cháng (SV trường) [ M 腸 cháng < MC ɖaŋ < OC *ɫaŋ | MC reading 宕開三平陽澄 | FQ 直良 | cf. Xiamen tŋ2, Chaozhou tŋ2, Fuzhou toŋ2, Jianou toŋ2 | ¶ ch-, sh- ~ r- , ex. rắn (snake) 蛇 shé ]
lưng (back) roq hông kloong vưt 脊梁 jǐliáng (SV tíchlương) [ VS 'lưng' <~ ® M 脊梁 jǐliáng: VS 'sốnglưng' | M 梁 liáng < MC laŋ < OC *raŋ || cf. 耳朵 耳朵 ěrduō (VS lỗtai 'ear, ear canal') ~> 'tai' / @ 朵 duō ]
hông (hip) pangtêa -- bran jèt 胸 xiōng (SV hung) [ M 胸 xiōng < MC xɔujə < OC *snojə | According to Starostin : breast, chest (L.Zhou). Regular Sino-Viet. is hung (in fact, Viet. hông 'hip, side, flank' may be a chance coincidence - because of the semantic difference).]
ba (father) pa ama mpoaq vàp 爸 bā (SV 'ba') [ M 爸 bā ~ phonetic stem 巴 bā < MC ba < OC *bae ]
mẹ (mother) nôw ameq mpiq mê 母 mǔ (SV mẫu) [ ~ VS mẹ, mệ, mợ, mạ | M 母 mǔ < MC myw < OC * mjəʔ | MC reading 流開一上厚明 ]
chồng (husband) kanôw kayik kayak siklô 君 jūn (SV quân) [ M 君 jūn < MC kyn < OC *kun ]
vợ (wife) kajay ka-diâl lakuoi si-ùr 婦 fù (SV phụ) [ 'vợ' <~ VS 'bụa' | M 婦 fù < MC bjəw < *OC bjəc ]
con (child) kuat akǒn kon kòn 子 zǐ (SV tử) [ M 子 zǐ < MC tsjɤ < OC *cɑʔ | Dialects: M 囝 jiăn (~ 子 zǐ) ’child’ Fukienese (Amoy) /kẽ/, Hananese /ke/, which could have been originated from an Austroasiatic form as /kiã/ ‘son, child’. ]
chó (dog) chó amuq acho so 狗 gǒu (SV cẩu) [ M 狗 gǒu < MC kjəw < OC *ko:ʔ | MC reading 流開一上厚見 | Proto-Vietic **kro | This might be a loanword in Chinese. ]
heo (pig) chu sdơk alik sưl 亥 hài (SV hợi) [ M 亥 hài < MC ɠɤj < OC *ghə:ʔ | In Chinese 12 animal zodiac table 亥 hài stands for 'pig' and it could have been originated from a form of the Yue languages. | Note: If Thomas was not supplied with the wrong V etymon by his informant, based on the forms /sdơk/, /alik/, or /sưl/... the V word for this item could be 'lợn' which is surely cognate to 豘 tún (SV đồn, độn) ~ M 豚 tún < MC don < AC *lhwǝ̄n < OC *ɫhwǝ̄n < PC **ɫhūn | Dialects Cant. tyun4, Hakke tun3 | ¶ t- ~ l- ]
gà (chicken) í atưit nutruoi iêr 雞 jī (SV kê) [ M 雞 < MC kiej < OC *ke: ]
cánh (wing) maná nang khlap pơnar 翅 chì (SV si1) [ M 翅 chì, shī, jì, qí < MC ʂi < OC *kjeh, *kes | Starostin: Phonetically difficult: xiesheng points definitely to a velar initial, but *x- can hardly be reconstructed - first, because of an affricate in most modern dialects (although one would rather expect a non-aspirated c- (ć-)), second, because the character is used in Mengzi as a loan for *tek-s (probably pronounced as *t́eh at that time, in MC - also śè) 'only'. If the reconstruction *ke-s is correct, this would be an only known case of the fricativization *k- > *ć- > MC ś-. | ec. 展翅 zhănchì (giangcánh) 'spread the wings' ] ]
trứng (egg) kata karau tareil chap 蛋 dàn (SV đản) [ M 蛋 dàn < MC ʈan < OC *dan | MC reading 山開一去翰定 ]
chuột (rat) kanáy chlâng are kunâi kine 鼠 shǔ (SV thử) [ M 鼠 shǔ < MC ʂo < OC *ɬhaʔ ]
rắn (snake) pah kaseng kusân vis 蛇 shé (SV xà) [ M 蛇 shé < MC ʑa < OC *liaj | FQ 食遮 | According to Starostin : snake. Also read *laj (MC je, FQ 弋支, Mand. yí) in the compound 委蛇 *ʔw|aj-laj 'be compliant, gracious'. | ¶ s- ~ r- | See next chapter on ST for more detail of this etymon. ]
ruồi (fly) róy raroi ruai rơwei 蠅 yíng 'fly' (dăng) [ ~ VS nhặng, lằng | M 蠅 yíng < MC jiŋ < OC *ljəŋ | FQ 余陵 | MC reading 曾開三平蒸以 | According to Starostin : a fly. Viet. lằng 'bluebottle' is archaic, reflecting a form like WH *ljəŋ. A later loan from the same source is probably Viet. nhặng 'bluebottle' (nh- reflecting MC j- with assimilatory nasalisation); regular Sino-Viet. is dăng. || According to Tsu-lin Mei, "ruồi" is of Austroasiatic origin. ] (Read more at The case of "ruồi")
cây (tree) luáq long aluang chhơ 棵 kē (SV khoả) [ M 棵 kē < MC ko < OC *kwo | MC reading 果合一平戈溪 | The case of "cây" could have different etyma where in Chin. there exist different forms that could be cognate, such as 樹 shù. Ex. 樹皮 shùpí (VS vỏcây) 'bark' ]
gỗ (woods) kong -- arưih nggô 材 cái (SV tài) [ M 材 cái < MC ʒʌj < OC *ʒhǝ̄ ]
lá (leaf) hlá asơq(?) sala la 葉 yè (SV diệp) [ M 葉 yè < MC jep < AC *lhap < OC *lap < PC **lɒp | MC reading 咸開三入葉以 | Most of the Tibetan languages carry the the sound near lá: Tibetan: ldeb lá, tờ, Burmese: ɑhlap cánhhoa., Kachin: lap2 lá, Lushei: le:p búp, Lepcha: lop lá, Rawang ʂɑ lap lá (cuốn bánh) ; Trung ljəp1 lá, Bahing lab. Sh. 138; Ben. 70. | See next chapter on Sino-Tibetan. ]
vỏ (bark) katôw halăk ndắk mòq 皮 pí (SV bì) [<~ M 樹皮 shùpí (VS vỏcây) 'bark' ]
bông (flower) rêaq pơq piar ngkau 葩 pā (SV ba) [ M 葩 pā < MC bɒ < OC *bra: | Cant. 花 huā (hoa) /fa/ | See the next chapter on ST.]
trái (fruit) play pale palái plai 實 shí (thực) [ M 實 shí < MC ʑit < OC *lit | FQ 神質 | See next chapter on ST.]
rễ (root) rê riah rêh diyeh 蒂 dì (SV đế) [ M 蒂(蔕) dì < MC tiaj < OC *tɛjs | ¶ d- ~ r- ]
chuối (banana) priat priq priat prit 蕉 jiāo 'banana' (chiêu) [ M 蕉 jiāo | MC reading 效開三平宵見 | Phonetic stem: 焦 jiāo (SV tiêu, VS cháy ) 焦 jiāo < MC tsjew < OC *ɕew | FQ 即消 | It must have the same etyma from languages of the Yuè ]
cỏ (grass) ña bơi bát kinji 草 căo (SV thảo) [ M 草 căo < MC chʌw < OC *shʊʔ | FQ 采老 | According to Starostin: grass, small plants Also used for a homonymous *shūʔ 'be rough, coarse; grossly'. The original character consisted of just one radical (see Shuowen 22); the character 草, according to the Shuowen, had meant 'acorn'. | ¶ c- ~ c-(k-), cf. 餐 cān (SV xán) : cơm, 財 cái (SV tài) : của, 存 cún (SV tồn) còn ]
lúa (unhusked rice) báw haviq saro va 來 lái (SV lai) [ M 來 lái < MC ljəj < OC *rjə: | MC reading 蟹開一平咍來 | lúa >~ 來 lái 來 lái (lúamì, lúamạch - wheat (Triticum aestivum)) | According to Starostin: In Shijing rhyme jə OC *rjəs | OC *r- cf. Dialects: Amoy, Chaozhou lai2, Fuzhou li2, Jianou lej2, lai9, Jianyang le2, Shaowu li2 | Also, according to Starostin, 'lúa' is 稻 dào, an archaic loanword; regular Sino-Viet. is đạo. See 'gạo' below)]
gạo (husked rice) páy chineh rakáu phe 稻 dào (SV đạo) [ M 稻 dào < MC dɑw < OC *lhu:ʔ ~ ɫhu:ʔ (Schuessler : MC dâu < OC *gləwʔ or *mləwʔ) | MC reading 效開一上皓定 | However, according to Starostin : Viet. lúa is an archaic loanword; regular Sino-Viet. is đạo. Protoform: *ly:wH (~ ɫ-), Meaning: rice, grain, Chinese: 稻 *lhu:ʔ (~ɬh-) rice, paddy, Burmese: luh sp. of grain, Panicum paspalum, Kachin: c^jəkhrau1 paddy ready for husking. Kiranti: *lV 'millet' | SR: 1078 h-k ]
muối (salt) po poh(?) boi voh 硝 xiāo [ TB: M Bur. śo-ra, Maru, Nung R. yam-sau, Katśin śau (p. 64), also as 'salt' Luhupa Branch Kukish m?-tśi\, Luśei tśi, Maring ma-tʿi, Khoibu mi-ti, Ukhrul mă-tśi, Phadang mă-tśé, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi, Kwoireng mă-tai, Tśungli me-tse, Khri, Tengsa mă-tśi, Rengma tśe, Imemai ma-ti\, Tengima mě-tsa, Zumoni m-ti (Shafer, p. 293) | | According to Starostin : Protoform: *jam (r-). Meaning: salt. Chinese: 鹽 *lam salt; 鹹 *gr@:m salt, salty. Tibetan: rgjam-chwa a k. of salt, like crystal, lgyjam-chwa a k. of rock-salt. Burmese: jamh gunpowder, saltpetre. Kachin: jam1 a k. of salt. Kiranti: *ru\m. Comments: Ben. 57; Mat. 184. | ¶ y- ~ m | Based on the sounds of the MK languages, this etymon seems to agree with VS 'vôi' 灰 huī (SV khôi, muội) | M 灰 huī, kuī < MC xuaj < OC *xwəj ]
lửa (fire) ón aih ôuih uinh 火 huǒ (SV hoả) [ M 火 huǒ < MC xwʌ < OC *smjə:jʔ | ¶ hw ~ l- : cf. 大伙 dàhuǒ: cảlũ, 同伙 tónghuǒ: đồngloã, 過 guò: quá /wa/ lỗi, 灣 wān: loan; 裸體 luǒtǐ: loãthể ~ (phonetic stem: 果 guǒ: quả /wả/) ]
khói (smoke) ngôy gơyuâk phêak nhuq 汽 qì (SV khí) [ ~ VS 'hơi' | M 汽 qì < MC khɤj < OC *khjəjs) | Cant: hei31 | According to Starostin : vapour, odour, steam, gas. Attested already in Yijing, but absent in Schussler's dictionary. Viet. hơi is colloquial; regular Sino-Viet. is khí (cf. perhaps also Viet. khói 'smoke' ?) | See more in the next chapter on ST. ]
tro (ashes) pló ón plah bắh vùh 渣 zhā (SV tra) [ M 渣 zhā, zhă, zhà ~ phonetic stem 查 chá, chái, zhāi, zhā < MC ɖa < OC *ɫa: | Speculation of this etymon is partly based on the arculation of MC and SV. There may exist another word for 'tro' in AC or C dilalects given analogical cognates of 'than' 炭 tān (charcoal) , 'lửa' 火 huǒ (fire), 'củi' 柴 chái (firewood), 'mồi' 煤 méi, 'đốt' 燒 shāo, 'cháy' 焦 jiāo 'burnt'... ]
nước (water) tea dơk daưq dăq nước 水 shuǐ 'water' (SV thuỷ) [ M 水 shuǐ < MC ʂwi < OC *tujʔ | FQ 式軌 | MC reading 止合三上旨書 | Note that the OC *tujʔ, ended with -ʔ which easily will give rise to ~ -k, of 'nước' where old V is /dak/. Compare 踏 tà, tā (đạp), 沓 tà, dá (đạp) đầy, with the phonetic stem 水 ended -k, -ʔ. If that is the case, it is not hard to reconstruct /dak/ for V /dak/ evolved into /nak/, that is 'nước'. | ¶ sh- ~ n-: ex. 說 shuō (thuyết) nói, 山 shān (san) non ~ núi | Most of dialects start with an initial s- such as Amoy san11 (lit.); suã11, Chaochou suã11, but Hainanese reads /tui3/ {¶s- ~ t-} just like 'núi' 山 shān. From t- we can assume the sound change into n-, hence 水 *tujʔ ~ 'nước', just like 'núi'. | According to Starostin: MC ʂ- is irregular; a clear indication of *t- is given by Min forms: Xiamen cui3, Chaozhou, Fuzhou cui3. Protoform: *tujH. Meaning: water, Chinese: 水 *tujʔ water. Burmese: LB: Achang ti water. Kachin: mjədi1 be wet. Lushei: tui, KC *Dui\ water. Lepcha: da a pond, a lake, stagnant water. ]
núi (mountain) ngo karung kalong(?) kóh gung 山 shān (SV sơn ) [ <~ VS 'non' / -n ~ -i, cf. 蒜 suàn (SV toan) ~ 'tỏi' (garlic) | M 山 shān < MC ʂən < sra:n | FQ 師間 | MC reading 山開二平山生 | ¶ sh- ~ n- : ex. 說 shuō (thuyết) nói | Most dialects have the initial s- such as Amoy san11 (lit.); suã11, Chaozhou suã11. Except for Hainanese 山 toa /twa/ {¶ s- ~ t-}. From /twa/ we can assume that t- could have changed into n-, to have given rise to something like /nwa/, then 'non' =< núi. The ¶ t- ~ n- are commonplace in C ~ V coresponding sound patterns, ex. 尿 niào (niệu) ~ tiểu ~ đái, 鳥 niăo ~ điểu. Also, let's not rule out 'núi' ~ 垚 yáo (nghiêu) | Starostin: The MC reading is irregular (*s.a.n would be expected) ]
đất (earth) tanê katiơk kuteiq nteh 土 tǔ (SV thổ, độ, đỗ) [ M 土 tǔ < MC dwo < OC *daʔ (Li Fang-Kuei : OC *dagx ) | FQ 他魯 | MC reading 遇合一上姥透 ]
đá (stone) hmố dơl tamáu tamô 石 shí (SV thạch) [ M 石 shí < MC tsjak < OC *djak | FQ 常隻 | According to Starostin: Min forms pointing to *ʒ́: Xiamen cioʔ8, Chaozhou cieʔ8, Fuzhou sioʔ8, Jianou ciɔ6. | Tibetan: rdo | See more in the next chapter on ST. ]
sông (river) taê 'kan karung kroung dàq 江 jiāng 'river' (SV giang) [ M 江 jiāng < MC kawŋ < OC *kraŋ (giảtá 工 MC koŋ công) | Pulleyblank : EM kaɨwŋ | FQ 古雙 | According to Starostin : river; Yang-zi River. Viet. sông 'river' may be an older loan from the same source | Old Viet. *krung > *krong > sông ] (Read more at The case of "sông"),
trời (sky) pleng pleng paloăng trôq 天 tiān (SV thiên) [ M 天 tiān < MC thien < OC *thi:n | FQ 他前 | See etymology in the next chapter. ]
day (ngày) hany tangay tangái nar 日 rì (SV nhật) [ M 日 rì < MC rit < OC *ɲit. | Also, VS 'giời' (the sun) | See etymology in next chapter on ST.]
đêm (night) kamaq hayum sadâu mang 宵 xiāo (SV tiêu) [ M 宵 xiāo < MC sjew < OC *saw ]
sao (star) haloq chitur mantour simanh 星 xīng (SV tinh) [M 星 xīng < MC sieŋ < OC *she:ŋ < se:ŋ | MC reading 梗開四平青心 | FQ 桑經 | Zyyy: sijəŋ1 | Dialects : Hai.: se11 (cf. shēng 生: đẻ Hainanese: /de/), Hankou: ʂin11, Sichuan: ʂin11, Yangzhou: ʂĩ11, Chaozhou: sin11, Changsha: sin11, Shuangfeng: $ ʂin11, ʂiõ11, Nanchang: $ ʂin11, ʂiaŋ11]
trăng (moon) -- kache rliang kasâi khai 月 yuè (SV nguyệt) [ ~ VS giăng ~ tháng | M 月 yuè < MC jwjat < AC *jwot | MC reading 山合三入月疑 | See etymon in the next chapter. ]
mây (cloud) syok dơluk ramưl tuq 雲 yún 'cloud' (SV vân) [ M 雲 yún < MC hʊn < OC *whjən, ¶ OC *wh- ~ m- | FQ 王分 | § 雨 yǔ (vũ) mưa | ¶ y- ~ m- | Also, in Chin. there is the character 霧 wù (SV mù) to denote 'mist, fog' and in V this meaning as a noun appears only in the compound 'sươngmù' or 霜霧 shuāngwù. So for 霧 wù if the 'mist' is high in the sky then this word can be used to mean 'cloud' ]
mưa (rain) mêny bă mia mi 雨 yǔ (vũ) [ M 雨 yǔ < MC hʊ < OC *haʔ | FQ 王矩 | According to Starostin: precipitation, rain. Also read *whaʔs, MC h|u\ (FQ 王遇) 'to rain upon, fall'. For *wh- cf. Xiamen ho|6, Chaozhou hou4, Jianou xu6. Protoform: *qhw|aH ( *r-). Meaning: rain, Chinese: 雨 *whaʔ rain. Tibetan: kha-ba snow, mkha heaven. Burmese: rwa rain, LB *r-jua rain, cf. also *wax snow. Kachin: ru1 to pour, to fall in torrents, as rain. Lushei: ruaʔ rain, KC *r2uaʔ Lepcha: so rain (?) Kiranti: *wə . Comments: BG: Garo mikka wa, Dimasa ha to rain, Bodo ha rain; Digaro kəra rain; Bahing rya-wa. Sh. 39, 43, 138, 431; Ben. 109, 168. For Jnp. ru1 see also notes under *g(h)w|rə 'wash'. | ¶ y- ~ m- | § 雲 yún (vân) mây, 舞 wǔ (vũ) múa | See more in next chapter on ST.]
đường (road) 'choát kalơng rana tròng 道 dào (SV đạo) [ VS đường ~ đàng | M 道 dào < MC djəw < OC *lhu:ʔ | FQ 徒皓 | According to Starostin : road, way, route, method. SinceChinese dentals are in some cases rendered by Viet. n- , we may compare also Viet. nẽo 'way, direction'. A derived word is 導 OC *lhu:ʔ -s, MC da^\w 'to lead', which has a colloquial Xiamen reflex chua6, allowing to reconstruct aspiration for OC. Also, 唐 táng (SV Đường) in ancient usage meant 'passage, path in the palace'. Besides, 途 tú (SV đồ) also a good candidate. ]
nhà (house) hngêny dong dống nhi 家 jiā (SV gia) [ M 家 jiā < MC ka < OC *kra: | FQ 古牙 | ¶ j- ~ nh-: ex. 撿 jiăn ~ nhặt ]
dây (rope) kasáy ngon(?) kansái chhe  線 xiàn (SV tuyến) [ VS dây ~ sợi | M 線 xiàn < MC sjɜn < OC *sars | ¶ x- ~ ch- | According to Starostin: thread (L.Zhou) Hsieh-sheng and Sino-Viet. suggest rather an OC form like *sors, which would normally yield MC sjwe\n, in which case loss of labialisation in MC would be secondary. On the other hand, the Sino-Viet. form can go back to a dialectal MC *sjwe\n with secondary labialisation on analogy with 泉 (MC z|jwen, q.v.). The choice between OC *sars and *sors is thus not quite clear. ]
một (one) môny muy muoi mwòi 一 yì (SV nhất) [ M 一 yì < MC ʔjit < OC *ʔit < PC **ʔɨt (~ɠ-) | FQ 於悉 | MC reading 臻 開三入質影 | See more elaboration in the next chapter. ]
hai (two) pêá bơr bar vàr 二 èr (SV nhị) [ M 二 èr < MC ɳɨ < OC *nijs | FQ 而至 | SV nhị /ɲej/ < hei | See more elaboration in the next chapter.],
ba (ba) páy pe pái pe 三 sān, sàn (SV tam) [ M 仨 sā (ta) ~ M 三 sān, sàn < MC sɑm < *OC sjə:m | Dialect: Hainanese /ta/ | See elaboration in the next chapter.]
bốn (four) puán puân poun pwổn 四 sì (SV tứ) [ M 四 sì < MC sjɨ < OC *slhijs | See elaboration in the next chapter. ]
năm (five) patáp châng saưng pram 五 wǔ (SV ngũ) [ M 五 wǔ < MC ŋɔ < OC *ŋha:ʔ | FQ 疑古 | MC reading 遇合一上姥疑 | See the next chapter on ST. ]
sáu (six) tajów chapat tapoât praw 六 lìu (SV lục) [ M 六 lìu < MC lʊk < OC *rhuk | FQ 力竹 | ¶ l- ~ s- | See elaboration in the next chapter. ]
bảy (seven) tapah tapăl tapul poh 七 qī (SV thất) [ M 七 qī < MC chjit < OC *shit | FQ 親吉 | MC reading 臻開三入質清 |See elaboration in the next chapter. ]
tám (eight) tahéñ takǒl takual phàm 八 bā (SV bát) [ M 八 bā < MC pat < OC *pre:t | FQ 博拔 | See elaboration in the next chapter. ]
chín (nine) tachen takia takêh sưn 九 jǐu (SV cửu) [ M 九 jǐu < MC kʌw < OC *kwjəʔ | See elaboration in the next chapter. ],
mười (ten) monychat majet muoi chit mớt 十 shí (SV thập) [ ~ VS chục | M 十 shí < MC ʂʌp < OC *ʈjəp | See elaboration in the next chapter. ]
những (all) 'taytang babơt nyeq leq 凡 fàn (SV phàm) [ M 凡 fàn < MC bwym < OC *bljəm | FQ 符泛 | Depending on the context it could be 眾 zhòng | See etymon in the next sections. ]
nhiều (many) hen bơk sa-ơưi goq 饒 ráo (SV nhiêu) [ M 饒 ráo < MC riaw < OC *ɲiew ]
to (big) kan gơmak toâr maq 大 dà (SV đại) [ M 大 dà < MC dɒj < OC *dha:ts ]
nhỏ (small) kuat katuiq kớt kèn 小 xiăo (SV tiểu) [ M 小 xiăo < MC sjɜw < OC *sewʔ | FQ 私兆 | MC reading 效開三上小心 | Dialect: Hai. niew21 | ¶ x- ~ nh- ]
dài (long) syát yal kuti jòng 長 cháng (SV tràng) [ VS dài ~ lớn (grown) | M 長 cháng, zhăng < MC ɖaŋ < OC *draŋ, MC ʈɒŋ, OC *traŋʔ, | According to Starostin : be long, tall, long-lasting. Also read zhăng, MC t.a/ŋ, OC *traŋʔ, Viet. trưởng 'to grow up; grown up; elder, senior; to preside' | ¶ ch - ~ gi-, d-, ex. 腸 chăng (trường) dạ. ]
ngắn (short) nang nay ep kakéh dêh 短 duăn (SV đoản) [ Also: VS 'lùn' | M 短 duăn < MC twʌn < OC *to:nʔ | | ¶ d- ~ l-, ng-, ex. 停 tíng (SV đình) ngừng ]
nóng (hot) tôw pưih kutâu duh nóng 燙 tàng (SV tháng) [ ~ VS bỏng, phỏng | M 燙 tàng < MC thʌŋ < OC *ɫa:ŋ | MC reading 宕開一去宕透 | In Chinese, there are many words that carry the concept of "hot", e.g. 焱 yàn, 炎 yán, 融 róng, 熱 rè, 烔 tóng, etc., which might have originated from the storching heat and sub-zero freezing weather in today's China's Northwestern areas, a birth cradle of the original "Chinese". ]
lạnh (cold) rahngew kau sangeit kakàt 冷 lěng 'cold' (SV lãnh) [ M 冷 lěng < MC lɒiŋ < OC *re:ŋʔ | MC reading 梗開二上梗來]
đỏ (red) khêy brông kusáu pơhor 彤 tóng (SV đồng) | M 彤 tóng < MC doŋ < OC *dhūŋ, *lhūŋ, *ɫhūŋ | cf. 痛 tòng 'đau' (pain) ]
xanh (green) ñiat taviâng ramoong sanh 青 qīng (SV thanh) [ VS xanh 'blue' | M 青 qīng < MC chieŋ < OC *she:ŋ | There ar many words in C that connote this concept of coloor and one among them could be 蒼 cāng 'xanh' (green) is the plausible cognate. ]
đen (black) praq tam kôum sindôch 玄 xuán (SV huyền) [ M 玄 xuán < MC ɠwien < OC *ghwi:n | Actually, in C there are many other words for the concept of 'black' and this one is simply one among them. ]
bạch (white) bông bǒk klok vòq 白 bái (SV bạch) [ ~ VS trắng | M 白 bái < MC bɐk < OC* brak | Like 'black' it could also be 素 su (SV tô) or any of several other words for 'white'. ]
phải (right) paro-wañ atuâm atoam ma 右 yòu (SV hữu) [ M 右 yòu < MC hjəw < OC *wjəʔ | FQ 于救 | According to Strarostin: be right (side), be to the right. The concept of 'right' (as well as 'left'!) in Chinese is closely connected with 'help, assist': we thus have related or identical words 佑 wjəʔs (MC h|jə\w, Mand. yo\u) 'to aid, support' (this word has even transferred its 去聲 to 右 which otherwise should have been read MC h|jə/w, Mand. yǒu), 友 wjəʔ (MC h|jə/w, Mand. yǒu with regular 上聲) 'friend'. All these words have reflexes of *w- (not *wh-) in Min dialects: cf. 右,佑 > Xiamen iu6, Chaozhou iu4, Fuzhou eu6, Jianou iu6, 友 > Xiamen, Chaozhou, Fuzhou iu3. | Note: this etymon is speculated based on the antonymous analogy of 'trái' (left). ]
trái (left) paro-êó adai avêr gyau 左 zuǒ (SV tả) [ M 左 zuǒ < MC cʌ < OC *ca:jʔ | FQ 臧可 | ¶ z- ~ tr- | According to Starostin: be left (side), be to the left. In some inscriptions glossed also as 'to oppose' which is rather dubious. Etymologically connected is 佐 OC *ca:jʔs, MC ca^\, Mand. zuǒ (phonetically under the influence of 左) 'to help, assist' q.v.]
xa (far) rahngế chingai yơng ngài 遐 xiá (SV hà) | M 遐 xiá < MC ɠa < OC *ghra: | Pt 胡加 Kangxi: 【唐韻】胡加切【集韻】【韻會】【正韻】何加切，𠀤音霞。【說文】遠也。| The C form /xiá/ is cognate sureness. to the V form /xa/. ]
gần (near) ache dan cheq mờch 近 jìn (cận) [ M jìn 近 < MC gɣn < OC *gjərʔ | MC reading 臻開三上隱群 | According to Starostin: Also read *gərʔs, MC gy\n, Mand. jìn 'to come near to, keep close to'. In Viet. cf. also gần 'near, close; adjacent, beside' (obviously from the same source). For etymology cf. ´幾 *kəj 'near' (an old *-r/-l variation?) | § 雞 jī (kê) gà 'chicken', jì 記 (ký) ghi 'to write down', jì 寄 (ký) gởi 'send', jí 及 (cấp) gấp) 'urgent' | ¶ j- ~ c-(k-)]
tốt (good) lém liâm o yah 吉 jí (SV cát, kiết) [ M 吉 jí < MC kjit < OC *kjit | ¶ j- ~ t-, ex. 節 jié Tết 'Spring Festival']
xấu (bad) ratôh môp sâuq viêm 醜 chǒu (SV xú) [ VS xấu 'ugly' | M 醜 chǒu < MC tʂjəw < OC *thuʔ | According to Starostin: be ugly, evil, ominous. Standard Sino-Viet. is xú. Also used for synonymous *thuʔ 'multitude'; *thuʔ 'anus'. | Also, etymologically 'xấu' can be related to 丑 chǒu, which is 'trâu' (water buffallo) in the V 12-animal zodiac table. ]
nhớp (dirty) kamônw nhơp nhơp soq 污 wū (SV ô) [ ~ VS nhơ ~ dơ | M 污 wū < MC ʔo < OC *ʔʷā | FQ 屋孤 | According to Starostin : Also written as 汙 q.v. Another reading (attested in LZ) is *ʔʷrā (MC ʔwạ, Pek. wā) 'impure, vile, mean (probably connected with *ʔʷā); dig a hole in the ground'. | ¶ w- ~ nh-, j- ]
rữa (rotten) su-wáng kung nsóq ôm 腐 fǔ (SV hũ) [ M 腐 fǔ < MC bʊ < OC *bhoʔ ]
nặng (heavy) hngáp haleng ntâng kinjoq 重 zhòng, chóng (SV trọng, trùng) [ M 重 zhòng < MC ɖɔuŋ < OC *dhroŋʔ | Hai. /dang/, Chaozhou: taŋ22 ~ teŋ12 | ¶ zh- ~ n- : ex 這 zhèi (giả) nầy]
trơn (smooth) têá sasil(?) siel ntiêl 跌 diē, diè (SV điệt, trật) [ ~ VS trợt, té | M 跌 diē, diè < MC ʈiat < OC *djɛ ]
đúng (correct) cho -- -- gàl 中 zhòng (SV trúng) [ modern Chin. 對 duì (SV đối) || M 對 duì < MC toj < OC *tu:ts | Note: Usuage of 中 zhòng (đúng) is interchangeable with the same meaning of 對 duì in M, but it is much more coloquially popular in many dialects. 對 duì (SV đối) might have evolved from MC 中 zhòng whereas those two respective lexicons evolved to differentiate themselves for other semantic roles. ]
bước (walk) lám vôiq paưq ayơng sàq 步 bù (SV bộ) [ M 步 bù < MC bo < OC *ba:ks | cf. cấtbước 起步 qǐbù 'raise one's feet' ]
tới (come) lám akô dơk toâq tơt 逮 dài (SV đại) [ M 逮 dà < MC dɤj < OC *lhjə:ps | FQ 徒耐 | According to Starostin : to come to, reach, come forward; be perfect MC has also a parallel (originally dialectal) reading di\ej (FQ 特計) id. Viet. tới is colloquial; standard Sino-Viet. is đại. During Early Zhou sometimes written as 棣 (thus in Shi 26.3), which allows to reconstruct *lh-. OC *lhə:p-s is an *-s-derivate from OC *lhə:p 'to reach'. 到 dào (SV đáo) could be its doublet in modern usage. | M 到 dào < MC tʌw < OC *ta:wʔs]
vô (enter) mont mot mut lap 入 rù (SV nhập) [ M 入 rù < MC ɲip < OC*njəp | FQ 人執 | MC reading 深合三入緝日 | Dialects: : Beijing: ʐu3, Xian: vu11, Taiyuan: zujəʔ41, Hankou: y12, Changsha: zu12, Yangzhou: ljəʔ4, Wenzhou: zai42, Ts: y4, Shuangfeng: y31, Nanchang : lat41, Meixiang: ɲip 42. Cant: jap42, Xiamen : ʑip42, Fuzhou : iʔ42 | Zhongyuan yinyun: zɨu43 | Note that in ancient sound there was no /v/ phoneme in both C and V. § dô (Viet. central and southern dialectal variations) = vô ]
đứng (stand) sông yong(?) taứng tiyaq 站 zhàn (SV trạm) [ M 站 zhàn < MC tʂən < OC *tars | MC reading 咸開二去陷知 ]
ngồi (sit) ôý-anay tơt taku guq 坐 zuò (SV toạ) [ M 坐 zuò < MC ʑwʌ < OC *dzuaj | ¶ z- ~ ng- ]
nằm (lie) koy bech bếq viq 躺 tăng (SV thảng) [ M 躺 táng ~ stem: M 尚 shàng, cháng < MC ʂaŋ (ʂhaŋ) < OC *dʑɨaŋ | ¶ t- ~ n- ]
lội (swim) klê baluâh loui re 游 yóu (SV du) [ ~ VS 'bơi' M 游 yóu < MC jəw < OC *lu | Schuessler : MC jiəu < OC * ljəw || ¶ y- ~ l- > b- : ex.: 郵 yóu (bưu), 葉 yè (diệp) lá, 兵 bīŋ (binh) lính ]
bay (to fly) lapah par pâr par 飛 fēi (SV phi)[ M 飛 fēi < MC pwyj < OC *pjəj | FQ 甫微 ]
nói (say) tapuy praq taq ntaưng nhai 說  shuō (SV thuyết) [ M 說 shuō, shuì < MC ʂwet, ʂwej < OC *ɬwet, *ɬots | FQ 失爇, 舍芮| MC reading 山合三入薛書 | ¶ d- ~ n-: | cf stem: 兌 duì (đối) : đối ~ nói , x. đổi, đối | § l ~ - n- : ex.. 聊 liáo (liêu) ~ nói, OC *ɬwet ~ n- | According to Starostin : Protoform: *l^o>t. Meaning: speak, say. Chinese: 說 *l^ot speak, explain. Tibetan: s/od (p. bs/ad) to say, to declare; a~c/had (p., f. bs/ad, i. s/od) to explain; cf. also rz|/od (p., f. brz|/od) to say, to declare. Kachin: (H) brat, prat to speak, as a foreign dialect with ease and accuracy. Sino-Tibetan to explain, excuse, speak; speech, words, agreement. Also read *l^ot-s, MC s/we\j (FQ 舍芮), Mand. shuì 'to halt, rest overnight'; often used instead of 脫 *l^o:t 'to take off, let loose' and 悅 *L^ot 'to delight in, be pleased'. ]
cười (laugh) tó kachâng cacháng gờm 笑  xiào (SV tiếu) [ M 笑 xiào < MC sjew < OC shaws | FQ 私妙 | According to Starostin: to laugh, smile. For *sh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen chio5, Chaozhou chie5, Fuzhou chieu5. | ¶ x- ~ k- ]
khóc (weep) krôw nhim nhiam nhìm 哭 kù (SV khốc) [ M 哭 kù < MC khuk < OC *kho:k | MC reading 通合一入屋溪 | See more in next chapter on ST. ]
xơi (eat) ka cha cha sa 食 shí (SV thực) [ M 食 shí < MC ʑik < OC *ljək | FQ 乘力 | cf. 吃 chì (ngật) ăn | See more in next chapter on ST. ]
nhìn (see) hlo lei nhêng sưn 眼 yăn (SV nhãn) [ M 眼 yăn < MC ŋan < OC *ŋhrjənʔ | FQ 五限 | In addition there exist several words in C that convey the concpt 'look', for example, 相 xiāng, 朢 wàng, etc. ]
nghe (hear) tang châng tamứng chang 聽 tīng ‘hear’ (SV thính) [ M 聽 tìng, tīng < thieŋ < OC *ɫhe:ŋ | MC reading 梗開四平青透 | FQ 他丁 | Dialects: Hainanese /k'ɛ/, Amoy: thiɛŋ11 $; thiã11, Chaozhou : thiã11
ngửi (smell) sú huin hôun ta-nơm 嗅 xìu (SV khứu) [ M 嗅 xìu < MC xǝ̀w < OC *xus | FQ 許救 ]
spit (khạc) ka-chôw katwiq kuchóh chhoh 咳 ké (SV khái) [ M 咳 ké < MC khaj < OC *khjə:ks, *khə:k | According to Starostin: cough Mod. ké must reflect an unattested variant *khə:k, MC khaj ]
mửa (vomit) hêa kâta kuta hòq 嘔 ōu, ǒu (SV âu) [ Also, VS 'ói, ộc' | M 嘔 ōu, ǒu < MC ʔɤw < OC *ʔo | ¶ ow- ~ m- ]
chết (die) hêa chet kuchêit chưt 死 sǐ (SV tử) [ M 死 sǐ < MC sji < *OCsijʔ | MC reading 止開三上旨心 | Even though Xu Shen said differently in his Shuowen, when I look at this character I see dăi 歹 for meaning 'evil' + chi 叱 for sound /chi/ | See etymology in Appendix "Case of chết" ]
sống (live) reh mâmông tâmoong hômrih 生 shēng (SV sinh, sanh) [ Also, VS đẻ (give birth) | M 生 shēng < MC ʂɒiŋ ~ ʂɑiŋ < OC *shreŋ ~ *shreŋs | FQ 所庚 (sanh) ~ 所敬 (sinh) | MC reading 梗開二平庚生 | Dialects: Hai. te11 (cf. đẻ), Chaozhou: sẽ 11, Xiamen : sĩ11 ~ cĩ11, Wenzhou siɛ1, Pk chiaŋ1. ]
đánh (hit) tok mbi toân pom 打 dă, dá (SV đả) [ M 打 dă < MC tiɛŋ < OC * te:ŋ | According to Starostin : to hit, strike, beat (L.Han) Also read OC *tre:ŋʔ, MC t.a/.iŋ id. The strange -ŋ-less reading is first attested in Zhengyun (FQ 都 瓦 = *ta/). Most Sino-external systems reflect the latter reading; note, however, Viet. đánh 'to beat, hit' which probably directly reflects MC ti/eŋ (although with an aberrant tone). | ¶ d- ~ w- for 'quánh' (colloquial) ]
cắt (cut) chyeh iât kứt chit 割 gē (SV cát) [ M 割 gē < MC kat < OC *ka:t | Starostin: to injure. A somewhat later meaning (attested since L. Chou) is "to cut, clip". Viet. cắt is colloquial; regular Sino-Viet. is cát.]
đâm (stab) tapet tak choat jùh 捅 tǒng (SV đồng) [ M 桶 tǒng < MC thʊŋ OC *slho:ŋʔ ]
vỡ (?), chẻ (?) (split) pa ploh(?) ploah vlah 破 pò (SV phá) [ M 破 pò < phwʌ < OC *phājs || M 切 qiē, qiè (SV thiết) | M 切 qiē, qiè < MC chiet < OC *shi:t ]
nặn (squeeze) rang, rup kapât daíq bat 捏 niē (SV niết) [ M 捏 niē < MC niet < OC *nhi:t ]
gãi (scratch) wo kabǒk piaiq khwàch 抓 zhuā (SV trảo) [ M 抓 zhuā < MC tʂaw < OC *tʂaɨw ]
quăng (throw) wang mpeq tôi hwot 扔 rēng (SV nhưng) [ M 扔 rēng < MC ɲiŋ < OC *nhjəŋ | MC reading 曾開三平蒸日 | Dialects ʐjəŋ11, Xi'an : ʐjəŋ2, Taiyuan: zjəŋ1, Hankou : njən 11, Wenzhou : zeŋ12 ]
rụng (fall) kaneh ntôq dớm vùng 落 luò (SV lạc) [ ~ VS 'rơi', 'rắc', also 'peanut' | M 落 luò < MC lak < OC *ra:k | According to Starostin : to fall, drop, die. The word is used in modern Chinese in 落花 'fallen flowers' and 落花生 'earth-nut, Arachis hypogaea' (attested since Qing) - which is obviously related to Viet. lạc 'earth-nut' (although the direction of borrowing is not quite clear). Cf. perhaps also (as a more archaic loan) Viet. rắc 'to sprinkle, to dredge, to sow' ('to let fall').]
đẩy (push) kachot daluaq kutớl chlưl 推 tuī (SV suy, thôi) [ M 推 tuī < MC thoj < OC *thu:j ]
kéo (pull) huá pajuâk(?) âk dưk 牽 qiān (SV khiên) [ QT 牽 qiān (khiên, khản) < MC khien < OC *khɨn | Pt 苦堅 | Chin. 拽 zhuāi is also a plausibly a good candidate since 牽 qiān implies 'to pull by a rope'. ]
rửa (wash) jíw erưoh ariau rau 洗 xǐ (SV tẩy) [ M 洗 xǐ < MC siej < OC *sjə:rʔ | ¶ x- ~ r- : ex. 婿 xū (tu) rễ, 鬚 xū (tu) râu | M also reads 'xiăn' (tiển) | cf. 'tắm' (wash) which Starostin accounts to 浸 jìn (SV tẩm) ]
chùi (wipe) chuat jut(?) chut jùt 擦 cā (SV sát) [ Also, VS chà, xớt 'rub' | M 擦 cā < MC tʂat < OC*srat | According to Starostin : The word is attested very late (the MC reading is taken from Zihui), and the reconstruction is thus unreliable. In Viet. cf. also xớt 'to rub, touch lightly, pounch on'. Standard Sino-Viet. is sát.]
chà (rub) play krdil, kôrjiut chut -- 擦 cā (SV sát) [ ~ VS chùi | See 'chùi' above. ]
tặng (give) ám dăng youn àn 贈 zèng (SV tặng) [ M 贈 zèng < MC tsɦəɒŋ < OC *dzəŋ | Obviously this is a loanword from C. | cf. 給 gěi (cấp) cho ]
lấy (take) syo pai êit nhưp 拿 ná (SV nã) [ M 拿 ná < MC na < OC *nhra: | MC reading 假開二平麻泥 | Dialects: Nanchang : lak41, Cant. : na12 (coloquial : /lɔ12/) ]
dệt (?) (sew) chep ih yêih jinh 織 zhī, zhì (SV chức, thức) [ M 織 zhī < MC tʂək, tʂɨ < OC *tjəkh, *tjək | The correct V form should be 'may' 鑝 péng for 'sew', 'dệt' is 'weave, plait'. ]
cột (tie) takue ngkat chằq nchap 結 jié (SV kết) [ M 結 jié < MC kiet < OC *ki:t | FQ 古屑 ]
đào (dig) chia pich(?) piq khwày 鑿 zào (SV tạc) [ M 鑿 záo < MC ʑʌk < OC *ʑha:kʷ ]
thở (breathe) ihianm ahâm tangứh ta-nơm 吸 xī (SV hấp) [ M 吸 xī < MC xip < OC * sŋjəp | Starostin : to inhale, to absorb (L.Zhou). In Viet. cf. also hớp 'to sip', 'húp' to drink (soup etc.)'.]
thổi (blow) hluap kabru kuhôuh khlôm 吹 chuī (SV xuy, xuý) [ M 吹 chuī < MC tɕwe < OC *thoj | FQ 昌垂 ]
biết (know) nany nal dáng gứt biết [ M (?) | VS biết ~ Chin. Hainan /bat/ || Dialect: Fuzhou : FC paiʔ/AM /bat/ ‘to know, to recognize’, AM b-generally corresponds to FC m-; the upper register tone with a voiced initial is also incongruous. Douglas gives a Tung-an form pat for Southern Min, so we regard the AM form as irregular. We can compare all these forms with VN 'biết' ‘to know, to recognize.’ Source : http://www.people.cornell.edu/pages/tm17/paper459.htm]
sợ (fear) takhen kakhin ngkắh phung 怕 pà (SV phạ) [ M 怕 pà < MC pɑ < OC *phra:ks | MC reading 假開二去禡滂 | ¶ b- (p-) ~ s- | cf. 怯 qiē (khiếp) nhát, khớp ]
  semi-phonemic list by Kenneth Smith, using Richard Phillips' script semi-phonemic list by Eva Burton semi-phonemic list by John Miller semi-phonemic list by David Thomas  

Let’s continue to examine another representative work by Wilson (1966) in which the author sided with J. Przyluski's, Thomas' and Buttinger’s view in her quoted statement: “Both the Vietnamese language and the Mường dialects are based on a Mon-Khmer (Cambodian) vocabulary. The words for numbers, family relationships, and domestic animals are of Mon-Khmer origin.” (p. 203) In that paper she calculated the percentage of

“196 basic Mường words compared with the Mon-Khmer family, 65 or 33% are apparent cognates with three or more Mon-Khmer languages. Another 30 possible cognates appear on the second list. Together the two lists yield 48%. Either of these percentages seems to establish Mường as a member of the Mon-Khmer family. This in turn would lend additional strength to the arguments for the inclusion of Vietnamese in the Mon-Khmer family.” (p.213)

This argument is based on the assumption that Mường and V being of the same family as widely accepted. However, Wilson also noted that: “Mường seems to show greater similarities to the Mon-Khmer languages than does Vietnamese.” (p.204) Nevertheless, the point to be made here is that Wilson was not aware that many basic C words also show similarity with her word list. The same is true with the list provided by Thomas above since in that list many of what are commonly shared between them are partly shared by either or both C and several ST languages (See next chapter on ST). In any case this is a typical and commonly taken approach for many specialists of V to base on as sprinboard gor their research. Everyhing has been revolving around this worn out axis and nothing new emerge from all those faulty anxioms.

Here are all “the better attested cognates [which are] listed first in the list” (p.204) and more:

Note: The Mon-Khmer languages considered were Bahnar (Bah), Sedang (Sed), Bơnam (Bnm), Jeh, Rơngao (Rng), Cua, Hre of the Kontum area; Mnong Gar (Gar), Mnong Biat (Biat), Chrao (Chr), Koho of the southern area of South Vietnam highlands; Katu, Bru, Pơkoh (Pko) of the norther area of South Vietnam; Boloven (Bol), Laʔven (Lv), Alak of southern Laos; Kui of east Thailand; and Khmer (Khm) of Cambodia. (p.204)

English/Vietnamese Mường Mon-Khmer cognates Chinese correspondences as suggested by dchph
animal / convật kon vật kon se mprem (Bah); kon tye (Sed); kon kohnem (Jeh); kong kyak (Rng) 禽獸 qínshòu (SV cầmthú) [ M 禽獸 qínshòu \ @ 禽 qín ~ con, @ 獸 shòu ~ vật | M 禽 qín < MC gim < OC *ghjəm | M 鳥 niăo (điểu), Hai. jiăo | According to Starostin : The character is more frequently used (since L.Zhou) with the meaning 'wild bird(s)' ( 'smth. caught'), whereas for the meaning 'to catch, capture' one uses the character 擒 || M 獸 shòu < MC ʂjəw < OC *ʔjəwʔh ]
bird / chim chim chium (Biat); tyim (Sed); tym (Rng); sim (Koho) 禽 qín (SV cầm) [ M 禽 qín < MC gim < OC *ghjəm | modern M 鳥 niăo (điểu), Hai. jiăo,| Dialects:  Chaozhou ʑin12, Wenzhou ʑiaŋ12, Shuangfeng: ʑin12 ]
bone / xương sương kusieng (Sed); kưseng (Rng); seng (Hre); ksiing; ch'eng (Khm) 腔 qiāng (SV xoang) [ QT 腔 qiāng < MC khjawŋ < OC *khaɨwŋ | See elaboration in Thomas' list above. ]
child / trẻcon dươkon kon (Hre, Pko, Bru); kon (Chr, Briat, Koho, Bah); koon (kui) 小孩 xiăohái (SV tiểuhài) [ M 小孩 xiăohái \ @ 小 xiăo ~ trẻ 仔 zǐ < MC tsz < OC * tsɨ, @ 孩 hái ~ con 囝 jiăn (Fuzhou kiaŋ, a possible Austroasiatic kiã ‘son, child’]
cloud / mây mơl hamơl (Bah); Kamơl (Kui); hmưl (Bru); hmol (Lv) 雲 yún (SV vân) [ M 雲 yún < MC hʊn < OC *whjən, ¶ OC *wh- ~ m- | FQ 王分 | According to Starostin : For *wh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen hun2, Chaozhou hŋ2, Fuzhou huŋ2. | § 雨 yǔ (vũ) mưa | ¶ y- ~ m- | See etymon in the list above for 霧 wù (SV vụ, VS mù) for 'mây' ]
cut / cắt kayk kơtac (Katu); kat (Bah, Bru, Hre, Chr); chiat (Lv); siat (Kojo) 割 gē (SV cát) [ M 割 gē < MC kat < OC *ka:t | Starostin: to injure. A somewhat later meaning (attested since L. Chou) is "to cut, clip". Viet. cắt is colloquial; regular Sino-Viet. is cát.]
heart / tim tláy nó plii noyh (Hre); Ple nuih (Bah); nuyh (Chr) 心 xīn (SV tâm) [ M 心 xīn < MC sjɔm < OC*sjɔm | Hainanese /tim/ ]
here / nầy luơ nì nih (Khm); ne (Bol); n'he (Chr); nẹẹ (Kui) 這 zhè (SV giả) [ ~ VS 'đây' | M 這 zhè | ¶ zh- ~ đ- ]
hunt / săn payng pơn pain (Alak); pănh (Chr); tow bănh (Khm) 田 tián (SV điền) [ M 田 tián < MC dien < OC *lhi:n | FQ 徒年, 堂練 | ¶ (*OC) l- ~ s- : ex.. lián 蓮 (liên) sen | According to Starostin : For *lh- cf. Min forms (with secondary palatalization): Chaozhou chaŋ2, Fuzhou cheŋ2, Jianou chaiŋ2. Used also for a homonymous (and possibly related) *lhi:n 'to hunt'. ]
husband / chồng owng ong (Bnm); ʔong (Hre); kơmong (Sed) 君 jūn (SV quân) [ M 君 jūn < MC kʊn < OC *kur | FQ 舉云 | MC reading 臻合三平文見 | Shuowen: 尊也.從尹口.口以發號. | According to Starostin : lord, lady; prince, ruler; head. Cf. Tib. bkur-ba 'veneration, worship', Kach. s^akawn 'to praise, extol' > ST *kur. ]
leaf / lá lá la (Chr); là; laa (Rng, Lv); hla (Bah, Hre, Cua, Katu); hlaa (kui); hala/sala (Bru) 葉 yè (SV diệp) [ M 葉 yè < MC jep < AC *lhap < OC *lap < PC **lɒp | MC reading 咸開三入葉以 | Most of the ST languages carry the sound similar to lá: Tibetan: ldeb lá, tờ, Burmese: ɑhlap cánhhoa., Kachin: lap2 lá, Lushei: le:p búp, Lepcha: lop lá, Rawang ʂɑ lap lá (cuốn bánh) ; Trung ljəp1 lá, Bahing lab. Sh. 138; Ben. 70. | See more in the next chapter on ST. ]
liver / lòng, gan lom klơm (Bah, Biat); k'lơm (Bol); kloom (Lv, Alak) 肝 gān (can) [ M 肝 gān < MC kan < OC *kan || lòng (SV tâm) 心 xīn 'heart' [ ~ VS tim | M 心 xīn < MC sjəm < OC *sjəm (< *ljəŋʷ) | TiềnHánViệt *sjʌmʔ, § Cant. /sʌm/, Old Viet. : lâm | VS 'lòng' /lɔŋʷ/ and 'tim', SV tâm /tʌm/ | cf. 點心 diănxīn SV điểmtâm, VS lótlòng 'snack, breakfast' | I cannpt relate the MK forms with 'gan' (liver) here. Dis Wilson imply /kl-/ for both here? | See more in the next chapter on ST. ]
louse / chí chí ch'i (Biat); chai (Lv, Alak); si (Chr); nhcee (Kui) 虱 shī (SV siết, sắt) [ M 虱 shī ~ M 蝨 shī < MC ʂit < OC *srit | FQ 所櫛 ]
mother / mẹ mê mè (Koho); me (Bah); meʔ mey Chr)' meeʔ (Katu, Alak); ʔameeʔ (Kui) 母 mǔ (SV mẫu) [ ~ VS mẹ, mệ, mợ, mạ | M 母 mǔ < MC myw < OC * mjəʔ | MC reading 流開一上厚明 < *OC mjəʔ ]
nose / mũi mũi mui (Katu); mu (Bol); muh (Koho, Bah, Cua, Chr); mụh (Khui, Bru, Hre) 鼻 bí (SV tỵ) [ M 鼻 bí < MC pɦji < OC *bji | Pulleyblank : The Yuan and modern Mandarin readings as well in may other modern dialects (e.g. Taiyuan piə', Amoy literary pit), imply E. bjit, L. pɦjit. | ¶ b- ~ m- ]
rain / mưa mưa mưa (Lv); mia (Kui, Bru); mih (Gar); mi (Bah, Chr) 雨 yǔ (SV vũ) [ M 雨 yǔ < MC hʊ < OC *haʔ | FQ 王矩 | See more in the next chapter on ST. ]
right side / phải tăm tam (Kui); ơtơm (Pko); atơm; sdam (Khm); tươm (Katu) 右 yòu (SV hữu) [ M 右 yòu < MC hjəw < OC *wjəʔ | FQ 于救 | cf. trái 左 zuǒ (left) | See etymon in Thomas' list above. ]
root / rễ reyk hrex (Alek); reh (kui); re (Sed); ria (Koho) 蒂 dì (SV đế) [ M 蒂(蔕) dì < MC tiaj < OC *tɛjs | ¶ d- ~ r- ]
rub / chà chuih chuy (Chr); kơkoy (Bah) toyh (Katu); Koyh (Hre) 擦 cā (SV sát) [ M 擦 cā < MC tʂat < OC*srat ]
salt / muối mơi/bóiʔ/boei ʔboi (Bru); mboh (Rng); mboh (Cua); boh (Koo, Bah); mwoyʔ (Kahu); pooh (Kui) 硝 xiāo [ TB: M Bur. śo-ra, Maru, Nung R. yam-sau, Katśin śau (p. 64), also as 'salt' Luhupa Branch Kukish m?-tśi\, Luśei tśi, Maring ma-tʿi, Khoibu mi-ti, Ukhrul mă-tśi, Phadang mă-tśé, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi, Kwoireng mă-tai, Tśungli me-tse, Khri, Tengsa mă-tśi, Rengma tśe, Imemai ma-ti\, Tengima mě-tsa, Zumoni m-ti (p. 293) | Also, M 鹽 yán < MC jem < OC *am | MC reading 咸開三平鹽以| See etymology in previous list. ]
scratch / gẫy [sic] kãiʔ kai (Bah, Khm); kwaiʔ (Cua); kayʔ (Rng); kayh (Katu); Kar (Bru) 抓 zhuā (SV trảo) [ VS gãi | M 抓 zhuā < MC tʂaw < OC *tʂaɨw ]
sky / trời tlơy trơy (Katu); trôʔ (Chr); trok (Gar); trồ (Koho); trok (Hre) 天 tiān (SV thiên) [ M 天 tiān < MC thien < OC *thi:n | FQ 他前 | See etymology in the below sections.]
smell / ngửi hít hiet (Bol); het (Khm); hip (Cua); hiep (Bah); huut (Lv) Based on the meaning given by Wilson, there are two different Chinese etyma for this: hít, hửi, ngửi:
(1) hít: 吸 xī (SV hấp) [ M 吸 xī < MC xip < OC * sŋjəp | Starostin : to inhale, to absorb (L.Zhou). In Viet. cf. also hớp 'to sip', 'húp' to drink (soup etc.)'. ]
(2) hửi ~ ngửi : 嗅 xìu (SV khứu) [ M 嗅 xìu < MC xǝw < OC *xus | FQ 許救 ]
day / ngày ngày ngay (Chr); ngăi/tơngăi (Khm), tangay (Kui); tơngai (Bol); tơngyi (Katu) 日 rì (SV nhật) [ M 日 rì < MC rit < OC *ɲit. | See etymology in the next section. | ~ VS 'giời' ]
die / chết chét chet (Katu); chit (Chr); tset (Cua); cachet (Bnm); kơchit (Hre) 死 sǐ (SV tử) [ M 死 sǐ < MC sji < *OCsijʔ | MC reading 止開三上旨心 | See etymology in previous section.]
dog / chó chó cho (Bol); choo (Lv); ch'o (Biat);tyo (Katu); tyoo (Rng); so (Chr) 狗 gǒu (SV cẩu) [ M 狗 gǒu < MC kjəw < OC *ko:ʔ | MC reading 流開一上厚見 | Proto-Vietic **kro | This is a loanword in Chinese. ]
face / mặt màt mat (Bol); mũh măt (Chr); mỗh măt (Biat); mukh meẫt (Khm) 面 miàn (SV diện) [ M 面 miàn < MC mjen < OC *mhens | See etymology in previous sections.]
eye / mắt mặt mat (Koho, Cua, Hre, Katu, Bah, Sed, Chr); mạạt (Kui); matʔ (Lv) mù 目 (SV mục) [ M 目 mù < MC mouk < OC *moukʷ | Hainanese /mat/ | See more in the next chapter on ST.]
fat / mỡ mỡ lơma (Koho); rơma (Bah, Hre); rưma (Rng, Sed) 肥 féi (SV phì) [ M 肥 féi < MC bwyj < OC *bjəj | See etymology in previous sections.]
fish / cá ka ka (Koho, Bah, Biat, Chr); kaa (Sed, Rng, Gar) 魚 yú (SV ngư) [ M 魚 yú < MC ŋʊ < OC *ŋha | FQ 語居 | MC reading 遇合三平魚疑 | See etymology in previous sections.]
fly / bay pal pal (Cua); paal (Kui); par (Koho, Gar, Bru, Katu, Chr); par (Rng) 飛 fēi (SV phi) [ M 飛 fēi < MC pwyj < OC *pjəj | FQ 甫微]
leg / chân chơn jơng (Bah, Bol, Koho); djong (Biat); jưng (Gar) 足 zú (~ giò) (SV túc) [ M 足 zú < MC tsjouk < OC *ɕok | FQ 即玉 | MC reading 通合三入燭精],
foot / bànchân pan chơn pan tyeng (Rng); pang jơng (Bol); pyang dyeng (Bnm) 巴腳 bājiăo ~ 腳板 jiăobăn (SV cướcbàn): [ M 腳 jiăo < MC kak < OC *kak | MC reading 宕開三入藥見 | FQ 居勺 | cf. bàntay 手板 shǒubăn],
four / bốn pón pon (Bru); poon (Alak); pwon (Hre, Chr); phoon (Rng); puon (Bah) 四 sì (SV tứ) [ M 四 sì < MC sjɨ < OC *slhijs | See elaboration in the next chaper. ]
fruit / trái tlai plai (Koho, Chr); plai (Bol); plăi (Biat); plei (Bah) 實 shí (thực) [ M 實 shí < MC ʑit < OC *lit | FQ 神質 | See more in the next chapter on ST.]
intestines / ruột rwayk/ruot rway/rueʔ (Bru); rụạk (Kui); royʔ (Pko); proac (Koho); proit (Gar) 腸 cháng (SV trường) [ M 腸 cháng < MC ɖaŋ < OC *ɫaŋ | MC reading 宕開三平陽澄 | FQ 直良 | cf. Xiamen tŋ2, Chaozhou tŋ2, Fuzhou toŋ2, Jianou toŋ2 | ¶ ch-, sh- ~ r- , ex. rắn (snake) 蛇 shé ]
hair / tóc thák/sák sak (Brm); sẫk (Khm); sok (Alak); soʔ (Kui); chok (Biat) 髮 fā (phát) [ M 髮 fā < MC pjɐt < OC *piat | ¶ p- ~ t- ]
/hand / tay thay tai (Lv, Bol); taii (Katu); dăi/dăy (Khm); atai (Vru); t'i (Chr) 手 shǒu (SV thủ) [ M 手 shǒu < MC ʂjəw < OC *ɫhuʔ | FQ 書九 | See etymology in the list above. Also, there is 臂 bì (SV tý) 'arm' ~ < VS 'tay' for 'hand' | M 臂 bì, bèi < MC pje < OC *peks ]
khạc / spit chủ xàk kơchuʔ (Hre); choh (Koho); kacheh (Kui); kachoh (Katu) 咳 ké (SV khái) [ Also: VS ho | M 咳 ké < MC khaj < OC *khjə:k, *khjə:ks | According to Starostin : cough Mod. ké must reflect an unattested variant *khə:k, MC khaj ]
suck / bú púʔ pu (Biat, Chr); pouʔ (Koho); bàu (Khm) 哺 bǔ (SV bộ) [ M 哺 bǔ < MC bo < OC *ba:s || Some funny thought: Had the V learned to suck from the C even before the newborns did? This basic word reveals something about the linguistic kinship with C. The puzzling thing is why the forms appear uniformly throughout all languages here? Did the C borrow from the others? ]
swim / bơi, lội pơi loiʔ loi (Bru); looy (Kui); glơy (Hre); glai (Rng); glưy (Bah); zilois (Cua) 游 yóu (SV du) [ M 游 yóu < MC jəw < OC *lu | Schuessler : MC jiəu < OC * ljəw | According to Starostin : to float, swim; to wander about, ramble. With the meaning 'wander about, ramble, divert oneself' usually written as 遊. For OC *l- cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou, Fuzhou iu2. | ¶ y- ~ l- ~ b- ]
three / ba pah paa (Lv); pai (Alak, Pko, Bru); pay (Gar); peh (Cua); pae (Katu); ʔapay (Kui) 三  sān, sàn (SV tam) [ M 仨 sā (ta) ~ M 三 sān, sàn < MC sɑm < *OC sjə:m | See enumeration in the next chapter on ST.]
tree / cây kơl kạl (Kui); ơl (Cua); kơlaa 'bammboo' (Hre, Sed, Koho) 棵 kē (SV khoả) [ M 棵 kē < MC ko < OC *kwo | MC reading 果合一平戈溪 | See comments in Thomas' list ]
water / nước dák dak (Bah, Biat); ʔdak (Katu); ndak/tak (Cua); daʔ (Chr); daak (Lv, Alk, Gar); diak (Hre); diaʔ (Kui) 水 shuǐ (SV thuỷ) [ M 水 shuǐ < MC ʂwi < OC *tujʔ | FQ 式軌 | See etymology in Thomas' list above.]
year / năm năm năm (Biat); nam (Koho, Gar); hu-nam (Rng); ch'năm (Khm); xanâm (Bah) 年 nián (SV niên) [ M 年 nián < MC nian < OC *ɲiɛn | Apprently this is a loanword from C. ]
green / xanh seng seng (Cua); ceng (Bru); seeng (Pko) 青 qīng (SV thanh) [ [ VS xanh 'blue' | M 青 qīng < MC chieŋ < OC *she:ŋ | There ar many words in C that connote this concept of coloor and one among them could be 蒼 cāng 'xanh' (green) is the plausible cognate. ]
because / tạivì po pho (Bol); tai boh (Koho); phroʔ (Kui) tạivì ~ bởivì 因為 yīnwéi (SV nhânvi) [ # M 因為 yīnwéi \ @ 為 wéi ~ bởi, tại \ ¶ w- ~ b-, b- ~ t-, @ 因 yīn ~ vì 為 wéi \ ¶ y- ~ v- | M 因 yīn < MC jən < OC *ɳjən || M 為 (爲) wéi, wèi < MC we, wej < OC *waj, *wajs | Pt 薳支 | MC reading A: 止合三平支云; B: 止合三去寘云 | Variants exist in C in other form such as 在於 zàiyú (SV tạivu). ]
dry / khô xo xo (Chr); kro (Bah); kroo (Rng) 枯 kū (SV khô) [ M 枯 kū < MC kho < OC *kha: | The V and C are obviously cognate. Is the a loanword in V? The lexeme appear in other compounds such as 'khôcằn', khôcạn', 'khôkhan' 苦幹 kūgan (dry up). ]
father / cha, ba băk ʔbaʔ (Cua); ba (Khm); mba (Hre); bap (Gar, Chr) 爹 diè (SV ta) [ M 爹 diè | VS 'tía' is more close to M diè, in the meanwhile 'cha' is more archaic: MC reading 假開三平麻知 : FQ 知麻 tr+a ~> cha (M 知 zhī 'tri', Hai. /tai/ < t-). The only thing is the uncertainty that Wilson did not know what to posit for this word, 'cha' or 'ba'? Her informants were apparently unable to relate the etymon to which words. Therefor, mechanically applying solely phonological rules alone would probably work with Indo-European languages but not in the V historical linguistic field. Samples like this appear here and there in the list.]
head / đầu tlok plo (Pko); plơ (Bru); ploo (Kui); bôk (Biat); boʔ (Chr) 頭 tóu (SV đầu) [ M 頭 tóu < MC dɤw < OC *dho: | Of course this word is really a basic one. Didn't the V have the concept of 'head' before borrowing that from the C? The precise etymon for this item should be 首 shǒu, to be exact, and in V it also means 'sọ' or 'crania' by itself. For 頭 tóu (SV đầu), interestingly, this lexeme appear in other form for other peculiar concepts such as 'đầunậu' 首腦 shǒunăo ~ 頭腦 tóunăo SV 'đầunão' (brain, head, headquarter, leader, ringleader, etc.). Thoughout the list we can apply the same arguments for virtually all those basic words which are cognate to C. ]
hear / nghe mang hmang (Sed); mưng/pang (Bah); tơmưng/kamang (Bru); nang (Katu) 聽 tìng, tīng ‘hear’ (SV thính) [ M 聽 tìng, tīng < thieŋ < OC *ɫhe:ŋ | MC reading 梗開四平青透 | FQ 他丁 | Dialects: Hainanese /k'ɛ/, Amoy: thiɛŋ11 $; thiã11, Chaozhou : thiã11 ],

Interestingly, Mường form of 'mang' points to this word:

聞 wén, wèn (SV văn, vấn, vặn)  [ M 聞 wén, wèn < MC mün < OC *mǝn | According to Starostin: to hear; to smell, perceive; as wèn 'be heard, renowned'  ]
one / một mòt mo (Khm); moy (Sed); mwoi (Chr); mooe (Lv); mooi (Alak); mơyʔ (Katu)  一  yì (SV nhất) [ M 一 yì < MC ʔjit < OC *ʔit < PC *ʔɨt (~ɠ-) | MC reading 臻開三入質影 | FQ 於悉] See etymology in the first part of this section.
push / đẩy dun tun/tul (Bah); runh (Khm); drung (Koho) 推 tuī (SV suy, thôi) [ M 推 tuī < MC tho < OC *thu:j ]
river / sông xong/khônh krong (Bah, Sed); karung (Katu); Klong (Bru); rong (Gar, Koho); dakhom (Lv); n;hong (Biat); khroang Hre) 江 jiāng (SV giang) [ M 江 jiāng < MC kawŋ < OC *kraŋ (giảtá 工 MC koŋ 'công') | Pulleyblank : EM kaɨwŋ | FQ 古雙 | See etymology in Thomas' list. ]
tail / đuôi tuơy kan tui (Km); suwai (Lv), suêi k'nai (Bol); sooy (Kui) 尾 wěi (SV vĩ) [ M 尾 wěi < MC mjwei < OC *mjəʔ (Pulleyblank : MC ʋjyj < AC *muj | ¶ w- ~ đ-, ex. quánh /wajɲ/ ~ đánh 打 dă ]
ashes / tro buing buh (Chr, Gar); bǔh (Biat); bu (Koho) 渣 zhā (SV tra) [ M 渣 zhā, zhă, zhà ~ phonetic stem 查 chá, chái, zhāi, zhā < MC ɖa < OC *ɫa: | See elaboration in the list above. ]
breathe / thở thǒ/thôn taʔ nhom (Koho); tangoh (Kui); tơngưh (Bru); tơnguh (Pko); tơng chap (Chr) 吸 xī (SV hấp) [ M 吸 xī < MC xip < OC *sŋjəp | According to Starostin : to inhale, to absorb (L.Zhou). In Viet. cf. also hớp 'to sip', 'húp' to drink (soup etc.)'. | ex. hơithở 呼吸 hūxī (hôhấp) 'breath' ]
narrow / hẹp hèp hrap (Bah); hat (Koho, Gar, Rng); rhat (Biat) 狹 xià (SV hiệp) [ M 狹 xiá < MC ɣɒp < OC *ghrēp | According to Starostin: Not in Schuessler's dictionary (although attested already in Shujing). Regular Sino-Viet. is hiệp; cf. perhaps also xép 'small, narrow'. 
neck / cổ kel kal koong (Kui); ơkor (Bah); ka (Khm); kao (Gar) 喉 hóu (SV hầu) [ M 喉 hóu < MC ɠʊw < OC *ghro: | See elaboration of this etymon in Thomas' list above | ex. cổhọng 喉嚨 hóulóng (hầulung) 'throat' ] 
road / đường tàng xá trong (Biat, Bah, Gar, Hre); ntoong (Alak; crong (Chr) 道 dào (SV đạo) [ ~ VS đaường ~ đàng | M 道 dào < MC djəw < OC *lhu:ʔ | FQ 徒皓 | ex. 街道 jièdào (đàngxá) | See elaborastion in the list above. ]
squeeze / bóp póp bop (Chr); rop (Bah); katop (Bnm); kadap (Hre); rup (Katu) 壓  yā, yà (SV áp) [ ~ VS 'bẹp' | M 壓 yā, yà < MC ʔap < OC *ʔrɒp | Cf. also Viet. ẹp 'crushed, flattened' (probably borrowed from the same source). Regular Sino-Viet. is áp. | ¶ a- ~ b- ex. 案 àn (án) bàn, 按 àn (án) bấm ]
wash / rửa thươ/sữa rua (Katu); brưa (Lv); ruh (Rng); rao (Koho); riaw (Kui) 洗 xǐ (SV tẩy) [ M 洗 xǐ < MC siej < OC *sjə:rʔ | ¶ x- ~ r- : ex. 婿 xū (tu) rễ, 鬚 xū (tu) râu | M also reads 'xiăn' (tiển)]
woods / rừng rừng krong (Gar); krơng (Katu); kong (Sed) 林 lín (SV lâm) [ M 林 lín < MC lim < OC *rjəm < PC **rjəɱ | See etymology in the first part of this section. ]
small / nhỏ nhỏ yo/yoh (Hre); ơnoh (Cua); yoh (Rng); ʔyoh (Bnm) 小 xiăo (SV tiểu) [ M 小 xiăo < MC sjɜw < OC *sewʔ | FQ 私兆 | MC reading 效開三上小心 | Dialect: Hai. niew21 | ¶ x- ~ nh- | In C the concept of 'small' has several forms, animate and inanimate, for example, 少 shào, 幼 yōu, 么 yāo, 微 wēi, etc. ]
hit / đánh tayng nhaw toang (Bnm); ting (Bru); tiơn (Cua); ton/toʔ (Bah) 打 dă, dá (SV đả) [ M 打 dă < MC tiɛŋ < OC * te:ŋ ]
Note by Ruth S. Wilson: The following words are possible cognates which may be more firmly established by further study.
at / ở ở a (Biat); ae (Km); a 'from' (Chr) 於 yú (SV vu) [ M 於 yú < ʔə < OC *ʔa ]
bark / vỏ ta ntoh (Chr); kdoh (Rng); kưtoo (Sed); toʔ (Katu); kadoʔ (Bah); ʔndoh/ndoh (Bru) 皮 pí (SV bì) [ ~ VS da ('skin') | M 皮 pí < MC be < OC *bhaj | FQ 符羈 | Starostin : hide, fur, animal skin. Cf. perhaps also Viet. vảy 'fish scale, thin skin'. For *bh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen phe2, Chaozhou phue2, Fuzhou phui2, Jianou phue|2.]
big / to to toh (Cua); tơr (Bru); t'om (Khm); tomix (Alak); trok (Hre) 大 dà (SV đại) [ M 大 dà < MC dɒj < OC *dha:ts ]
blow / thổi wơl hul (Jeh); thuơl (Bah); thor (Bru); thui (Hre) 吹 chuī (SV xuy, xuý) [ M 吹 chuī < MC tɕwe < OC *thoj | FQ 昌垂 | According to Starostin : to blow; play a wind instrument. Traditionally read as *thoj-s, MC c/hwe\, Mand. chu\i in the second meaning ('play a wind instrument'). Standard Sino-Viet. readings are xuy, xuý. ]
burn / cháy chal choh (Alak, Lv); choh (Chr) 焦 jiāo (SV tiêu) [ ©M 焦 jiāo < MC tsjew < OC *ɕew | FQ 即消 | According to Starostin : to burn, char (L. Zhou). Shuowen says phonetic is 集 *z|(h)@p; it is possible only if the latter graph was taken with the alternative reading *c/ip (see under 集). The 焦 series clearly has a *c/- initial (see RDFS 247); as for *-ew (not -aw), see the rhyme for 譙 (ibid., 556). A later attested meaning is 'dark yellow color'.
come / đến tíơng teang hane (Alak); tuoh/ơtơt (Katu); tươʔ (Bru); tơrong (Bah) (1) 逮 dài (SV đại) [ ©M 逮 dà < MC dɤj < OC *lhjə:ps | FQ 徒耐 | According to Starostin : to come to, reach, come forward; be perfect MC has also a parallel (originally dialectal) reading di\ej (FQ 特計) id. Viet. tới is colloquial; standard Sino-Viet. is đại. During Early Zhou sometimes written as 棣 (thus in Shi 26.3), which allows to reconstruct *lh-. OC *lh@:p-s is an *-s-derivate from OC *lh@:p 'to reach'.]
(2) 到 dào (SV đáo) [ ~ VS đến | M 到 dào < MC tʌw < OC *ta:wʔs]
dig / đào tàw taa/tò (Koho); tyơ (Bnm); tong, tuh (Bah) 鑿 zào (SV tạc) [ M 鑿 záo < MC ʑʌk < OC *ʑha:kʷ ]
drink / uống óng oʔ (Bnm); ʔoʔ (Rng); okʔ (Lv); ok (Bol) 飲 yǐn (SV ẩm) [ M 飲 yǐn < MC ʔɪm < OC *ʔjəmʔ | Cant. jəm21, Zyyy: ijəm2 | MC reading 深開三上寢影 ]
dust / bụi pul thuli (Khm); gơthul (Koho) 灰 huī (SV muội) [ M 灰 huī < MC xuaj < OC *xwəj | Another C cognate should be 粉 fěn (SV phấn) ]
fall / bổ (?) pôʔ/poʔ bo/bong (Chr) 爬 pá (SV bà) [ ~ VS bò 'crawl, climb' | M 爬 pá < MC pha < OC *baɨ | Not sure what it exacly means. ]
fire / lửa kủi ʔuing (Bah); ʔuing (Hre); uinh (Bol, Chr); ʔuyih (Bru, Pko) 火 huǒ (SV hoả) [ M 火 huǒ < MC xwʌ < OC *smjə:jʔ | See etymology in the previous list above.]
flower / bông hoa pong pooh/ʔbowng (Katu) 葩 pā (SV ba) [ M 葩 pā < MC bɒ < OC *bra: | Cant. 花 huā (SV hoa) /fa/ ]
heavy / nặng nạng ntong (Kui); leng (Katu) 重 zhòng, chóng (SV trọng, trùng) [ M 重 zhòng < MC ɖɔuŋ < OC *dhroŋʔ | ¶ zh- ~ n- : ex 這 zhè (giả) nầy, Hai. /dang/, Chaozhou: taŋ22 ~ teŋ12 ] ;
how / thế nào thiớ nò neh nó (Gar) 如何 rúhé (SV nhưhà) [ # M 如何 rúhé \ @ 如 rú ~ nào, 何 hé ~ thế \ ¶ h- ~ th-| M 如 rú < MC ɲo < OC *na | FQ 人諸 || M 何 hé < MC ɠʌ< OC *gha:j | FQ 胡歌 ]
left / trái tlai trai (Cua); ʔdaiy (Katu) 左 zuǒ (SV tả) [ M 左 zuǒ < MC cʌ < OC *ca:jʔ | FQ 臧可 | ¶ z- ~ tr- | See etymology in the previous list above. ]
many / nhiều từ ti dơng (Rng); diʔdong (Bnm); didong (Sed) 饒 ráo (SV nhiêu) [ M 饒 ráo < MC riaw < OC *ɲiew ]
near / gần khơyng khang (Khm); kơnh 'about to' (Chr) 近 jìn (cận) [ M jìn 近 < MC gɣn < OC *gjərʔ | It is so obvious that both the C vang V forms are cognate, parallel with xa 遐 xiá (SV hà) 'far' ]
rope / dây thừng chaak ch'ẽ (Chr); che (Koho); sih (Hre);ksiʔ (Sed); kachii (Bnm) (1) dây: 線 xiàn (SV tuyến) [ M 線 xiàn < MC sjɜn < OC *sars | ¶ x- ~ ch- ]
(2) thừng: 繩 shéng (SV thằng) [ M 繩 shéng < MC ʑiŋ < OC *ljəŋ | FQ 食陵]
(3) dâythừng 繩子 shéngzi [ If we treat this word in its dissyllabic form, posited in reverse order, 繩子 shéngzi is the right word with 子 zi associated with 線 xiàn for 'dây', and it appears as loanword from C.]
skin / da ta tao (Gar); nto (Chr); n'tou (Biat) 膚 fū (SV phu) [ ©M 膚 fū < MC pʊ < OC *pra | According to Starostin : human skin. Used also for a homonymous *pra 'fine, beautiful, admirable'; during Late Zhou also for *pra 'pork; cut meat'. | cf. 皮膚 pífū : dadẻ 'complexion' ]
smoke / khói xoi juui (Alak); nhoy (Hre); nhoi (Bah) 汽 qì (SV khí) [ ~ VS 'hơi' | M 汽 qì < MC khɤj < OC *khjəjs) | Cant: hei31 | According to Starostin : vapour, odour, steam, gas. Attested already in Yijing, but absent in Schussler's dictionary. Viet. hơi is colloquial; regular Sino-Viet. is khí (cf. perhaps also Viet. khói 'smoke'?) ]
split / chẻ chẻ sre (Koho); treh (Chr) 切 qiē, qiè (SV thiết) [ M 切 qiē, qiè < MC chiet < OC *shi:t ]
stand / đứng twãng tayưng (Bru); tưk (Cua); yuang (Bnm); yoong (Rng); yong dang (Sed) 站 zhàn (SV trạm) [ M 站 zhàn < MC tʂən < OC *tars | MC reading 咸開二去陷知 | See next chapter on ST. ]
that / cái kia káy lưaʔ laeʔ (Lv) 那個  nèigè (nỏcá, nảcá) [ ~ cáiấy <~ cáiđấy <~ # M 那個 nèigè \ ¶ n- ~ đ- | M 那 nà, nuó, nèi < MC nʌ < OC *nha:r || M 個 gè (SV cá) M 個 gè < MC kʌ < OC *kajs ]
turn / đi vòng (?) kwong kuan (Khm) 拐彎 guăiwān (?) [ ~ VS quẹovòng | M 拐彎 guăiwān | M 拐 guăi < MC kwaj < OC *kwrjəs || 彎 wān < MC yajŋ < OC *wiajŋ ]
what / gì chì nchi (Koho) 啥 shà (SV xá) [ Peking: 啥 shà | phonetic stem M 舍 shè < MC ʂia < OC ɕia ]
and / và và baʔ/pảng (Sed); ma (Bah); mơ (Koho) 和 hé (SV hoà) [ M 和 hé < MC ɠwʌ < OC *ghwa:j | FQ 戶戈 | MC reading A: 果合一平戈匣; B: 果合一去過匣 | Dialects: Wenzhou: A: vu12; B: vu12 ]
black / đen yòm gam (Hre); nggơm (Bah); tam/yong (Katu); jong (Lv) (1) 玄 xuán (SV huyền) [ M 玄 xuán < MC ɠwien < OC *ghwi:n | Shuowen : 幽遠也.象幽.**覆之也.黑而有赤色者為玄.凡玄之屬皆從玄 || In C there are several word for the concept of 'black', for example, 黔 qián (kiền) | M 黔 qián < MC kɦiam < OC *giam | ¶ q- ~ đ- | ex. 黔首 qiánshǒu (SV kiềm thủ) đầuđen 'black hair' ]
cold / lạnh chá khaw (Katu); tkat (Alak); kat (Gar); Kơkaat (Chr); takooʔ (1) lạnh: 冷 lěng (SV lãnh) [ M 冷 lěng < MC lɒiŋ < OC *re:ŋʔ | MC reading 梗開二上梗來]
(2) giá: 淒 qī (SV thê) [ ~ VS rét) || Based on other MK forms 淒 qī is likely related. | M 淒 qī < MC chiej < OC *shjə:j | According to Starostin : Protoform : *chijə: l Tibetan: bsil cool, coolness. Kachin: gjəci1 cold, gjəcin2 be cool, jəsi4 cold! (interj.), (H) ci cold, cin be cool.]
earth / đất tất kơtiiak (Katu); dơkieʔ (Chr) 土 tǔ (SV thổ, độ, đỗ) [ M 土 tǔ < MC dwo < OC *daʔ (Li Fang-Kuei : OC *dagx ) | FQ 他魯 | MC reading 遇合一上姥透 | See etymon in Thomas previous list. ]
five / năm nam tam (Hre); pơtam (Sed); podam (Bah); pudeem (Rng), pram (Chr); prăm (Khm) 五 wǔ (SV ngũ) [ M 五 wǔ < MC ŋɔ < OC *ŋha:ʔ | FQ 疑古 | MC reading 遇合一上姥疑 | See more in the next chapter on ST. ]

Ruth S. Wilson's analysis:

"Four points can be seen from the cognate lists: First, frequent correspondences. Second, Mương form intermediate between Vietnamese and Mon-Khmer forms. Third, a wide geographical distribution of the cognates. Fourth, significant cognate percentages between Mương and the Mon-Khmer family."

My observation: A similar conclusion drawn from all the lists above demonstrates that the correspondences between those of V and C or ST words (see next chapter) are frequent and in high percentage and they could plausibly be cognates. The fact that the Mương forms stand in between with those of MK could be seen as an intermediate vehicle that spreads those very words from one language to another, which could be numbers or basic words scattering here and there, synchronically. This view fits into the theory of "lexical ripling effect" of neighboring languages where, spatially, the Muongs have been much more in geographical proximity the the Kinhs.

What Thomas called “fundamental words” in MK are also fundamental to both V and C. The question of whether genetic affinity with some of the MK languages can be established based solely on those listed words is undoubtedly rebutted by resemblance between C and V of the same words, many undoubtedly being closer than those of MK languages and appearing uniformly in all lexical classes and categories. Characteristically, all other linguistic features, historically and culturally, are shared by both V and C so it is logical to opt for the assumption that either those V words were derived from C or they evolved from the same roots.

What is wrong with the interposed relation of V words with those of MK languages in the cited lists is that they are isolated and scattered words even though many are apparently related. Yet, that is how work on the V etymology was normally done with the old approach that usually starts with the premise that V is a monosyllabic language. Forrest (1948, p.25) put it well when he paraphrased Karlgren’s words in his work that :

“it is faulty method to compare [..] an isolated word in each of the languages; rather must the comparison begin with related groups of words in one and in the other language, words which, linked in both form and meaning, involve a buried phonetic element common to their group, beside which may be placed a similarly constituted group in other language.”

In fact, etymologically, cognates should be examined in categorical batches or related groups of words. For example, since we already known VS words for 'head' 頭 tóu (đầu), 'face' 面 miàn, 'eye' mù 目 (mắt), 'heart' 心 xīn (tim), and the like, we can extend our search to other human body parts for phổi 肺 fèi 'lung', gan 肝 gān 'liver', etc., of which many are so obvious that they are barely mentioned in this paper. Most of the etymological cases discussed here are only those which appear to be relevant and even complex to relate to.

Similarly we will apply Forrest's "categorical principle" and what is mentioned by Thomas, as quoted previously, regarding to the realm of sounds, or phonology to be exact, in which the manners that sound changes have brought about, to strings of sound. Collectively in polysyllabic formation, they could have taken place differently from those of monosyllabism. In Forrest's time, the percepcion of dissyllabics might have not been conceived, brought up, or seriously considered by many specialists of V. Speaking in phonological term, we can take his concept of "related groups of words" one step further to apply it to words in presenting certain concepts not only in the same group but also in semantic sphere embracing connotative peculiar expression. For instance, inside the group of body parts, we also have distinct denotation of