What Makes Vietnamese So Chinese?

What Makes Vietnamese So Chinese?
An Introduction to Sinitic-Vietnamese Studies

dchph

(Continued)

IV) PARALLELS WITH THE SINO-TIBETAN LANGUAGES:

A) Sino-Tibetan etyma

Sino-Tibetan with six divisions

Source: Robert Shafer, 1966, p.VII.

Sole binary comparison methodology, such as only languages of C and V, MK and V, Austroasiatic and V, are never enough for the purpose of finding fundamental cognates and their etymological roots. Meritt Ruhlen (1994) has taken pains in his book On the Origin of Languaged: Studies in Linguistic Taxonomy just trying to prove this point. In addition to all cross-language comparative listings in the foregoing sections we will continue to explore furthermore as follows where we will examine those V etyma that appear to be cognate to those of any of several ST languages in all six linguistic divisions. Undoubtedly the results will help identify sub-stratra of their deep ST roots. The cited listings are mainly based on Introduction to Sino-Tibetan by Robert Shafer, 1966 - 1974.

According to Shafer (1966, p. I), there are four great literary ST languages: Chinese, Siamese, Burmese, and Tibetan (or Bodish, since Bod is the native name for Tibet) with more than 400 ST languages in six linguistic divisions, that is, Sinitic (Chinese), Daic (Thai), Bodic (Tibetan, including Old Bodish or classical Tibetan, etc.), Burmic (Burmese, including Kukish languages — Indo-Burmese frontier regions — etc.), Baric (Bodo, etc.), and Karenic (Karen). "A third of the population of the globe speaks one or more of these languages" and "Sino-Tibet speakers occupy and area extending from the Great Wall of China to the Malay Pennisula and from the Kashmir to the Yellow Sea." Terminologically, -an indicates a linguistic family while -ic signifies a main division — hence, in my paper, Sinitic-Vietnamese comes to term over here for their etymological interconections which is not intended to prove genetic connection, just like those compound Sino-Daic, Sino-Bodic, etc. used in Shafer's work, but only for group classification terminologically — and -ish or -ese denotes a section of main division. Regarding to the matter of polysyllabism in ST the author indicates that suffixes are syllables added to a noun or verb or pronoun and that there are ST languages, as in Kurkish, that have dissyllabic and even trisyllabic words in their primitive state. Methodologically, in Shafer's words

"we must also take environmental phonetics into greater consideration than in most families. And this calls into question the rule — laid down by Antoinne Meillet, I believe — that we must have at least three examples to rule out the possibilitiy of accidental resemblance. But, after collecting four or five examples, so that a positional equation is established, one may run across a sixth which does not strictly conform. When, as in Central Core Kurkish languages, one can often get twenty examples, one is almost certain to prove an exception. Frequently enough exceptions show up so that the environmental equation can be formulated." (p. 13)

Therefore, to avoid crowded the listings in this paper exceptions are deemed irrelavant and skimmed here. Also, when working with those genetically-related languages, Shafer notes that their loanwords borrowed from each other are very difficult to recognized while, naturally, recognition of foreign-origin borrowings is much easier in unrelated languages (p. 128). And for a language sometimes does borrow a word it already has and some words might have been borrowed far enough in the past to have undergone typical phonetic shifts (p. 132). What Shafer has referred to are those of ST, but it is equally true in the cases of V and C. Similarly, albeit, many of them might not be no longer found or existant in its original forms and meaning in C, but their etymological imprints are obvious. If are going with the ST school, you must carefully examine this list of ST etymologies while those in the MK camp undoubtedly will never bother to read this because it will put granis of sand in their assaulting shoes. You will be the the judge to reach the final intelligent verdict to determine whether most of more than 400 V items are related to those in the ST listings hereof or not, many much more closer to C than those TB languages.

Shafer's phonetic symbols
(for a complete reference see Shafer 1966, p. IV)

Notes on phonetic symbols use throughout in this ST are listed below. Due to typographical difficulty I shall try to match symbols, phonetically, utilized by Shafer with those of IPA with a few accent marks and tonal indication being dropped or changed, very few of them though, which may unavoidably introduce errors into phonetic transcriptions and reconstructions here and there to those phonetically transcribed etyma that appear herein with what actually meant by the author in his research. However, you will unmistakenly recognize the forms that show cognates in all languages under examination.

At the same time, of course, cognate forms will be selectively chosen, i.e. exclusion of forementioned exceptions, since many forms, even though they were truly cognate to each other in a correlated chain crossing through so many dialects and languages, appear totally different from a V form to avoid unecessary distraction and confusion to untrained readers. Also, some items may reappear in more than one citation because they run across in different linguistic divisions and branches in all ST languages that will serve as etymologically routing bridges. Whenever appropriate, besides the C forms cited by Shafer, a slightly modified version from the work Grammatica Serica on Archaic Chinese by Bernhard Karlgren, I shall selectively annotate with additional modern M pinyin, e.g. M diān for 顛, and add C characters and notes for those cited C etyma which are missing in Shafer's list if needed for clarification and emphasis on C cognates, e.g. {中 zhōng} for V 'trúng' or {爬 pá. See 'bò'.}, etc. With the Daic forms for which Shafer utilizes data compiled by Haudricourt, many of them are obviously cognate to SV — reckoned as C loans — and portions of them are included here as well just for the sake to demonstrate the fact that numbers of C cognates appear in most Daic languages in much smaller numbers than those same forms that exist in V. For those listed items where only either the C forms or other ST forms appear side by side, some of those etymological forms could be omitted, especially those entries from Daic division, if they are deemed to appear so obviously cognate to those in C of which their listings would be repetitive with other etyma cited elsewhere throughout this paper. However, not all of missing C cognates in Shafer's list are listed here, so for reference search han-viet.com.

		Stops		¯¯		Continuants
	?	unasp.	surd asp.	sonant	nasal	surd fric.	sonant fric.
gutturals		k	kʿ	g	ŋ	x	ɣ
palatals		tś	tśʿ	dź	ń (ŋ)	ś	ź
cerebrals		ţ	ţʿ	ɖ	ņ	ʂ	ʐ
dentals	t	t	tʿ	d	n	θ
labials	p	p	tʿ	b	m	f	v
Note: k', t'... palatalized k, t, etc. ɫ, surd l; ê, â... mixed vowels approximately in the oral position of e, a, etc ʾa,ʾi... glottal opening aʾ, iʾ... glottal stop, etc. e, o open e, o @ = English 'awe', Kukish @ is long ŕ (tongue tip ?) trilled r (n) a letter in parentheses indicates it is indistinctly spoken Tone marks: x/ rising; x- level, x_ low level, xˉ high level, x¯ higher than usual high level; x\ falling; x^ rising-falling (circumflex) numbers in the end of a native form, as han1, are the tones as numbered in Siamese written language (Daic xʾ = S. tone 1, ʾx = S. tone 2, ,x = S. level tone not marked in writing) Daic ń=ŋ Daic ? = glottal stop Kukish and Daic: ě, ǒ are closed; ē, ō are open r1, r2 have different phonetic developments in Kurkish languages or dialects l1, l2, l3, l4 have different phonetic reactions in Baric, X, any unaspirated surd occlusive, or an undetermined unaspirated surd occlusive, Xʿ, any aspirated occlusive, or an undetermined asperited occlusive, ...,etc.

Comparative lexemes in Sinitic, Bodic, Daic, Burmic languages:
(against other Sino-Tibetan languages and dialects in all divisions and their branches)
[ linguistic group names to follow after the double vertical bar || with pp. to indicate pages where items are cited throughout Part 1-5 in Shafer 1966, 1967, 1968, 1970, 1974 ]

ngẫm, gẫm 'think' [ M rèn 恁 nyam\, Old Bodish snyam (p.14 to start in Shafer 1966, Part 1, where Sinitic Division is listed) ]
sọ 'skull bone' [ M lǒu 髏 lu-, Dimasa lao-kʿroi 'skull' (p.14) ]
chợ 'market' [ M shì 市 źi/, Middle Burmese dźʿe\, Old Bodish rdźʿe 'barter' (p.14) ]
nhổ 'spittle' [ M tù 吐 tʿo\ to spit out, OB tʿu, tʿo-le (p.14) ]
rẫy 'plowland' [ M mǔ 畝 mu/, OB rmo 'to plough' (p.14), Old Kukish *lo\, Luśei lo, Meithlei lau\ (p. 280) | also 'cultivation, jhum-field' Old Kukish *rītʾ, Luśei rītʾ, Mikir rit (p. 278), 'field' Maring, Khunggoi lau, Ukhrul lui, Phadang leou (p. 311) ]
châm 'to light (fire)' [ M diăn 點 tem-, Lao tām/ (p. 15) ]
thẹn 'to be ashamed' [ M cán 慚 dzām-, OB ãdzoms (p. 15) ]
trong 'middle' [ OB kloń, Siamese klāń (p. 15) || {中 zhōng} ]
trăng, giăng, tháng (moon, month) [ M yuè 月 ńyɒt < *ŋ-lat, OB z-la-, zla-ba (M 月霸 yuèbà ?), Bur. la, Kukish (except Mikir) *kʿla, Mikir tśik-li < *tśik-kla, Rgya. tsi-le, Rawang śă-la (p. 19) || Other Bod. languages Tsangla la-nyi (p. 118), W. Himal. lang. Kukish S-kʿla, Bunan śrig, Bunan, Almora hla, Thebor la, Kanauri go-l-sań, Tśamba-Lahuli la-za (p. 138), Minor group Toţo ta-ri, Dhimal ta-li1 (p. 169), Southern Branch Kukish *S-kʿla, Luśei tʿla, Thado tʿla, Śiyang tʿa, Vuite Xa (p.247), Old Kukish Aimol, Langrong tʿa, Purum hla, Hrangkhong ta, Hallam tʿa, Biate -tʿa, Kolhreng tʿa, Kom, Tarao tʿla, Lamgang ƫʿa, Anal (si) ƫʿaʾ (p. 252), Kuki *S-kʿla, Tśiru ƫʿla (p. 262), Mara tʿla (p. 266), Luhupa Branch Kwoireng tśă-hyu, Khoirao lʿa (p. 301) | , Burmish Bur. *hla, M Bur. lă, Lolo Phumoi la\, Akha la¯, Nyi tʿla-, Ahi hlo-, Lolopho hyo-, Phupha la (p. 366) | Baric Tipura tal, Bodo dān 'month', Metś dān (in compounds), Moran dan, Dimasa dain3, D daiń, B tain, Hojai deń, Dhimal tālǐ, Garo dźa, Abeng dźa-dźoń (p. 435, 443) || Shafer's comments on the medial l : 'As in Indo-European, medial l causes a good deal of difficulty in Sino-Tibetan because of its effect on preceding consonants. Old Bodish has only kl and bl. Luśei only tl and tʿl and some other Kurkish kl and kʿl. In Middle Burmese *-l- becomes -y- and only occasionally do we have *-l- preserved in an Old Burmese inscription. or in the Tavoy dilect.' (p. 423). With these implications we can equally apply them to the various Vietnamese forms of 'blời, blăng, trời, trăng, and giời, giăng. ]
gấu 'bear' [ OB d-om, Bur. wam, Luśei vom, K. *Xwom (X is a guttural of unknown type), Mikir tʿo-wām (St.), Rawang tʿǒ-gǒyām, (i.e. tʿǒ-gǒām), Rgyarong (ti-)-gom (p. 19) || Note: { 熊 xiōng. See Starostin's elaboration in preivoud sction }. ]
lưỡi 'tongue' [ M shé 舌 dźīt < *ldźīt, OB ltśe, O Bur. m-lei, M Bur. hlya, Siamese lǐn2, Lao lǐn, Karen siń-let, Luśei, Aimol, Purum, Langrong lei, Hrangkhol me-le, Kolhreng -lei, Lamgang p-lei (pp.14, 25-27) || Archaic West. Bodish dialects Sbalti ltśe, Burig ltśeʾ (p. 80), OT Bod. lang. Tsangla le (118), West Himalayish languages Kukish m-lei, Buman hle, Thebor, Kanauri le (p. 136), Northern Assam Midźu mb-lai, b-lai (M) (p. 180), Southern Branch Kukish *m-lei, all languages Luśei, Thado, Ralte, Śiyang, Vuite lei (p. 248), Old Kukish Mara, Tlongsai pa-lei, Śandu pa-lai, Lailenpi -pəle(ị), Miran pəlị_, Lothu pəlị¯, Zotung la\ (p. 268), Hrangkhol me-le, Mikir de (p. 277), Meithlei kei (p. 280), Karenic Pwo pʿle2, Sgaw plē4, Bwe ple (p.416) ]
muối 'salt' [ O Bur. *m-tś\, Bom mǐ-tśi, Kapwi tśi, Tśru mă-tśi, Aimol me-tśi, Hrangkhol mi-dźi, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi (pp.14, 25-27) | 'saltpeter, niter, salt' | M xiāo 硝 sịau-, M Bur. śo-ra, Maru, Nung R. yam-sau, Katśin śau (p. 64), also as 'salt' Luhupa Branch Kukish m?-tśi\, Luśei tśi, Maring ma-tʿi, Khoibu mi-ti, Ukhrul mă-tśi, Phadang mă-tśé, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi, Kwoireng mă-tai, Tśungli me-tse, Khri, Tengsa mă-tśi, Rengma tśe, Imemai ma-ti\, Tengima mě-tsa, Zumoni m-ti (p. 293) ]
liếm ‘lick’ [ M tiăn 舔 Chin. tʿem/, *lem/, OB lem- (W.) (The roots in W. Himalayish is, however, leb-; cf. Siamese lep 'to put out the tongue' (~ V lè, thè 'put out the tongue'). But, Bahing lyăm 'tongue', EE. Him. lěm. The Chin. form is based on Cant. lim/, Sino Annamese liếm (Emeneau)) (p. 66), all Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /lei/ (p. 252), Luhupa Branch Kuksih *m-liakʾ, Luśei liakʾ, Rong lyak (p. 317) | O Bur. *m-liakʾ, M Bur. lyak, Luśei liak, Lamgang p(i)-līk, Anal pi-līk, Kom ma-lẹk, Tśiru mẹ-lēk, Śo m-le-, Ukhrul -mă-lek, Rong lyak (pp. 25-27) || Note: { also V ‘nếm’ } ]
nếm ‘taste’ [ M tiăn 舔 Chin. tʿem/, Kukish *M-tem, Luśei tem (p. 48) || Note: { also V ‘liếm’ } ]
lòng 'heart' [ O Bur. *m-luń, Luśei luń, Aimol mu-luń, Purum, Langrong, Kolhreng -luń, Hrangkhol mi-luń, Khimi b-luń, N. Khami pă-lun, Maring, Phadang mă-luń, Tśngli, Mongsen -mu-luń (pp.14, 25-27) || OB m-luń, Southern Kukish Khimi b-luń (p. 207), Minbu lön (p. 222), Central Kukish Kukish *m-luń, Ngente, Haka luń (p. 230), Old Kukish Kuki *m-luń, Tśiru -mu-luń, Aimol -luń, Purum -luń-, Langrong luń, Hrangkhol mi-luń (p. 258), Luhupa Branch Rengma mioń, Zumoni me-lo, Tengima -mel-lu (p. 320) || Note: { 心 xīn } ]
đinh 'nail' [ O Bur. *m-tin\, Bom -mi-ti, Tśiru mẹ-tịn, Kom ma-tịn, Khoirao mă-tin (pp.14, 25-27), OB sen-mo, M Bur. -śań\, Luśei tin (p. 68) || Note: { 釘 dīng } ]
rắn 'snake' [ O Bur. *p-r2ūl, M Bur. m-rwe, Luśei rūl, Pankhu (Le), Bandźogi (Le) m-rūl, Bom mă-rui, Kapwi mă-run, Aimol rul, Lamgang pa-rūl, Anal p-rul (pp.14, 25-27) || Note: { 蛇 shé } ]
mối 'white ant' [ O Bur. *m-kʿra\, M Bur. *m-kʿră, Tenggima mě-kʿrö (pp. 25-27) | Luhupa Branch *lei, Luśei lei-, Ukhrul, Kupome, Khunggoi lei-, Phadang lei-3 (p. 307) || Note: { 蠡 lǐ } ]
bồcâu 'dove' [ M báigē 白鴿 báigē < gē 鴿 kǔ- 'pigeon, turtle-dove, O Bur. *m-kʿrui\, M Bur. kʿrui, Kukish m-kʿru, S. Khami mă-kʿrui, Zumomi me-ke-du7, Tengima mě-kʿru (pp. 25-27) || Northern Assam Miśing pe-ki, Yano pü-kʿü, E. Nyising pü-kʿüü, Tagen pu-kʿu (p. 199) ]
giông 'wind' [ M fēng 風 puń-, O Bur. *m-puń, Hlota m-poń, Tśungli mo-puń, Tengsa mă-puń, Yatśam mo-puń (pp. 25-27), Luhupa Branch Kukish *m-puń, Mongsen m-uń (p. 318) || Note: { V also 'gió' } ]
gió 'wind' [ OB rdzi || A W. Bod. Ladwags zi (p. 86), Luhupa Kukish t-k-?-kʿli, Luśei tʿli,Tengima -kʿra (p. 292) || Note: { 風 fēng, also V 'giông' } ]
cá 'fish' [ M yú 魚 ńǒ-, OB nya, < *ńya, M. Bur. ńa\, Luśei ńa\ | cf. Luhupa Branch (p. 288): Ukrul, Phadang, Khoirao, Kabui kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi, N. Luhupa kʿi, Maram, Dayang –ka, Kwoireng -kʿa, Kabui kʿa (Go), Empeo, Zumoni -kʿa, Imemai -kʿ@ (pp. 36-39), Luhupa Branch Kukish *kʿai, Ukhrul, Phadang, kʿai, Tśanmphung -kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi, N. Luhupa kʿi, Kabui -ka, Imemai -kʿ@, Zumoni -kʿa (p. 288), Ukhrul, Phadang kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi kʿi (p. 309) ]
ngào 'roast' [ M áo 熬 ńau-, OB brńos (pp. 36-39) ]
(nghẹn)ngào 'weep' [ V. (nức)nở ?, M áo 嗷 ńau-, OB ńus, M Bur. ńui (pp. 36-39) ]
ngỗng, ngang 'goose' [ M é 鵝 ńa ~ M yàn 雁 ńăn\ (wild goose), OB ńań < *ńan, M Bur. ńan\ (pp. 36-39), Siamese, Lao hān_1 (p. 71) ]
nhỏ 'young' [ M ní 倪 ńăi-, M Bur. ńay (pp. 36-39, 61) | 'younger sibling, child' Kukish *nau, Luśei nao, Khimi nau (p. 209), Maring naǒ, Ukhrul -naǒ, Khoirao -nau (p. 312), also for 'young' Souther Branch Kukish *ń-r ?-no, Luśei no, Thaso -nou, Ralte -no, Śiyang no, Vuite -no (p. 248), Meithlei -nau (p. 282), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul -ńă-nui, Tśungli nu (p. 311) || also 'little boy' (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ŋāy, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Sui ńāy, Dioi ńay, Sui ńe (p. 463) ]
mụ 'woman' [ M lăo 姥 mo/, OB mo, Luśei mo (pp. 36-39) ]
ngươi 'thou' [ M ér 而 nyi-, OB nyi-d, M Bur. ni (Hor) (pp. 36-39) | OK Kukish *nań, Luśei, Meithlei nań (p. 283) || Note: { 爾 ér } ]
mồm 'mouth' [ ~ V miệng, also môi 'lips' | M wěn 吻 mǔn/, OB mur-, Luśei hmūr (pp. 36-39), Old Kukish Kuki *hmūr, Hrangkhol fur (p. 258) | also '*jaw' OB mur- (only in compound), Luśei hmur (point, end, tip), all Kukish languages 'mouth' | Minor group Kukish hmūr, Newari hmu-tu (p. 74), Central Kukish kukish *hmūr, Luśei hmūr (tip), Kapwi mun (p. 242) || Also: 'lips, beak, mouth' ~ V 'mỏ, mõm' | OB mtśʿu | S. Br. Kukish *hmūr, Luśei hmūr, Thado mu, Śiyang muʾ (p. 249), Old Kukish Luśei hmūr (also V mõm 'point'), Mara hm@-, Tlongsai -hmo (p. 172), Luhupa Branch Maring, Khoibu mur, Ukhrul mor, Kupome mo-, Khunggoi -mo, Kwoireng -mun, Rengma mań- (p. 324) || A W. Bod. Sbalti kʿam-tśu, Burig kʿam-tśū (p. 82) || Note: { 嘴 zuǐ } ]
mờ 'dim, dark' [ M méng 朦 moń-, OB rmog, M Bur. mok (pp. 36-39) ]
màn 'curtain' [ M màn 幔 mān-, Siamese măn (yam) (pp. 36-39) ]
mưa 'rain' [ Chin. (absent in Shafer's list), OB ro- (W.), Bur. rua M Bur. rwa, Luśei ruaʾ || W. Himal. lang. Kukish r2uaʾ (p. 138), S. K. Śo yoʾ (p. 208), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul -rǒ, Phadang, Khunggoi ru-, Kupome ro-, Empeo -rui, Hlota -ru (p. 307) || Note: { 雨 yǔ } ]
(dây)leo 'creeper' [ M lěi 纍 lwi/, Luśei hrui (pp. 36-39) ]
rừng 'forrest, jungle' [ M lín 林 l'am-, lịəm (sēn 森 forrest), Luśei ram (p. 67) | Central Branch Kukis *r2am, Ngente, Haka ram (p. 230) ]
lười 'lazy' [ M lăn 懶 lān/, Siamese grān2^ (pp. 36-39) ]
lối 'road' [ OB lam, M Bur. lam\, Luśei lam (p. 40) | Old Kukish Kuki *lam, Tarao -lam (p. 256) and most of other languages all show the articulation of /lam/. || Note: { 路 lù } ]
bươmbướm 'butterfly' [ OB pʿye-ma-lep, M Bur. lip-pra, Luśei -pʿe-hlep || Baric Branch: Garo -pi-lip (pp. 40, 41), Southern Kukish Śo pam-ba-lāt (p. 221) || Note: { See elaboration in the previous section.) ]
đi 'walk, go, come' [ M lǚ 履 lyi/, Siamese lī (p. 41) | Minor group Tsangla de, Almora di (p. 172), Kukish di (come), Amora Branch of W. Him. di, de (go) (p. 330) || Note: { 去 qù } ]
ảng ‘basin, jug’ [ M áng 盎 ʾāń\, Siamese ʾāń_2, M Bur. ʾāń (p. 42) ]
hong ‘to roast’ [ M hōng 灴 xong-, Siamese /hǔń/ (pp. 42-43) ]
ghẹ ‘crab’ [ M xié 蟹 ɣeyi/ (366: Li-chi 861-d), Siamese gey (small prawns), (p. 63) Kukish t ?-ɣai (p. 200) || Norther Assam Miśing ta-ke, Yano ta-tśie (p. 200), Old Kukish Luśei ai, Mara tśa-ia (< *t-ai) Kami tă-ai, Mikir tśe-he (p. 277) ]
vòng ‘circular’ [ M yuán 圓 ʾwăn-, Kukish *wal, Luśei val, Katśin val, M Bur. wan\ (pp. 42-43) ]
quay ‘revolve’ [ Chin. jịuən\, Siamese wǐyěn, Luśei vir, Katśin Kăvin, Garo wil- (pp. 42-43) || Note: { 轉 zhuăn?} ]
khổ ‘bitter’ [ M kǔ 苦 kʿo/, Kukish *kʿa\, Luśei kʿa, M Bur. kʿa\, Dimasa -kʿa, Katśin kʿa (p.44), Luhupa Branch Maring , Phadang, Maram, Khoirao, Empeo kʿa-, Ukhrul, Mongsen,Thukumi, Rengma, Imemai -kʿa, Kupome -kʿau-, Khunggoi, Kwoireng -kʿa-, Kabui kʿu-, Zumoni ku- (p. 288) ]
cằm ‘chin, jaw’ [ M jiă 頰 kep, | OB mgal, O Bur. *m-kʿa, Panku (le) kʿa,Biate (St) ma-kʿa, lamgang ba-kʿa (pp.25-27), Kukish *m-kʿa, Luśei kʿa, Dimasa /-ska, Katśin n-kʿa, Siamse, Lao kēm\2 (p.44) || A W. Bod. Sbalti -gal (p. 81), Old Kukish Meithlei kʿa- (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul mă-kʿa, Maram ma-kʿo, Kabui ku-, Khoirao ka- (p. 301) ]
kéo ‘pull’ [ M qiān 牽 kʿen-, Siamese, Lao kʿ ěn\3 (p. 66), Central Branch Kukish *kai, Luśei kai, Kapwi kai- (p. 238) | Also: 'force or pull open' Old Kukish Kukish *t-keo, Luśei keo, Mara *sa-kei (p. 269) ]
hỗng ‘hole, hollow’ [ V also ‘trống’, M kǒng 孔 kʿong/, M Bur. ă-koń\, Diamasa koń-, OB kʿun (p.44) ]
trống 'emty' [ OB stoń-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti stoń (p. 81), OT Bod. lang. Tsangla stoń-po (p. 117) || Note: { 空 kōng } ]
trống ‘drum’ [ Also, Viet. 'cồng' | M qiāng 椌 kʿ@ng- (Chin. hollow wooden beaten instrument of music Li-chi), Kukish *kʿuań, Luśei kʿuań, Kukish tum\ (p.202) || Northern Assam Miśing, Tagen -dum, Yano, E. Nyising -dūm (p. 202) | (Haudricourt) Siamese kl@@ŋ, Lao, Shan kɔń, Ahom klwraŋ, Dioi kyɔń (p. 509) ]
kham ‘bear, endure’ [ M kān 堪 kʿān-, M Bur. kʿam (p.44) ]
khó ‘difficult’ [ M. Bur. kʿak, OB kʿag-po (p.44) || OB W. dka-ba, Sbalti, other Bod. languages Tsangla ka-lo (p. 117) || Notes: { contraction of 困難 kūnnan (VS khókhăn) } ]
ho ‘cough’ [ M ké 咳 kʿayi\, Luśei kʿu, Dimasa kusu (p.44) ]
thỏ ‘hare’ [ M tù 兔 tʿo\, Siamese tʿoʾ_ (p.45) ]
cày ‘a plow’ [ Siamese tʿai/, M Bur. tʿay, Katśin tʿai(p.45) || Note: { 耜 sì } ]
thăm ‘try, investigate’ [ M tām 探 tʿām-, Siamese, Lao tʿām/ (interrogate, question) (p.45) ]
mở ‘to open’ [ Chin. pʿyěi- (?), OB pʿyes, pʿye (pf.) (p.45) || Other Bod. languages Tsangla pʿi (p. 118) || Notes: { 捭 bài ?, 開 kāi, Cant. /hoi/, Hainanese /hui/ } ]
bụi ‘dust’ [ Kukish *pʿut, Luśei pʿut, M Bur. pʿut, OB bud (p.46) || Note: { 氛 fēn ? 粉 fěn ?} ]
cử, kỵ ‘fear’ [ M jì 忌 gyi\, Kukish *kri, M Bur. kre\ (p.46) || Luhupa Branch Longla kʿi-, Holta kʿyu (p. 305) || Note: { See also sợ, dè } ]
ghế, kỷ ‘seat’ [ M jì 几 kyi/, OB kʿri (p.46) ]
cùi(chỏ), khuỷu ‘elbow’ [ M jū 矩 kū/, Kukish *ku, Luśei kiu, O Bod kʿyu (p.46) ]
khóc ‘weep’ [ M qì 泣 kʿyap, kʿịəp, OB kʿrab- (p. 67), Kukish *krapʾ, Luśei ţapʾ, grap (p.46) || Other Bod. languages Gurung kro-(d), Muri kra-dźʾ (p. 125), South Branch Thadao -kap-, Śiyang, Vuite kap (p. 250), Meithlei kap- (p, 283), Luhupa Branch Imeanai -kra, Zumoni ka-, Tengima kra (p. 320), Tśairelish Katśinish krapʾ, Kadu kʿrap (p. 410) ]
cây ‘tree, trunk’ [ Kunkish *kūń, Luśei kūń, M Bur. ă-kuiń\ (p.46) | Central Branch Haka kūń, Kapwi kūn (p. 242) || Note: { 樹 shù } ]
gạo ‘rice’ [ M gǔ 穀 kok (grain, cereals) (p. 70), Kukish *kOk ?, M Bur. kok, Katśin -gu (p.46), Luhupa Branch Rengma -ko, Tengima -ko (p. 322) || Note: { SV 'cốc' (cereals), 'gạo': 稻 dào. See luá. } ]
cứng ‘hard’ [ M qiáng 強 găń/, Kukish *krań ?, Ka. Greń, OB m-kʿrań (p. 65) || Also: 'firm, solid': M jiān 堅 ken-, Siamese kēn_1 (p.46) | Southern Kukish Śo kāń (p. 221) ]
cóc ‘frog, toad, pipa'’ [ M hā 蛤 kāp, Siamese k@p- (p. 67) | OK Kuki *Prok, Luśei, Lamgang -ţok, Tarao -tok (pp. 262-262) | (Haudricourt) Siamese k@p, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi kop, Mak kwăp (p. 506) || Note: { cf. 'nhái' 蛙 wa } ]
kêu, gọi ‘call’ [ M jiāo 叫 kịau\, Kukish *ko, Luśei ko, M Bur. kʿo, Katśin gau, (p. 65), Luhupa Branch Kwoireng, Rengma ko-, Kabui kau-, Empeo ku, Zumomi -ku, Dayang ku, Tegima ke (p. 286) ]
kháu ‘beautiful’ [ M jiāo 嬌 kīau\, Siamese kēw\2, M Bur. kro (p. 67) ]
rửa ‘wash, bath’ [ Dimasa –gui, di-gru, Katśin krut, OB bkrut (p. 67), Burmish Bur. *tʿśi, M Bur. tʿśe\, Lolo Akha tsi\, Ahi, Lolopho tśʿə\, Nyi tśʿə-, Ulu tśʿi (p. 366) || Note: { 浣 wăn, 洗 xǐ } ]
sông ‘river’ [ M jiāng 江 k@ng, OB kluń, O Bur., M Bur. kʿloń (p. 69), Kukish *kuań, Luśei kuań, Dimasa di-kʿoń (p. 67), Luhupa Branch Maring, Ukhrul koń, Khoibu, Phadang, Khunggoi, (N.) Luhupa koń-, Kupome kon-ta (p. 286), (It is interesting to see all ST forms are cognate to the v 'sông', which further strengthen the argument for their affiliation.) ]
tía ‘father’ [ M tiè 爹 tʿă-, Siamese tā, OB ʿa-ta (p. 67) ]
cháu ‘nephew’ [ M zhí 姪, Kukish *tʿu, Luśei, M Bur. tu, Dimasa du- (p. 48) || Note: { 侄 zhí } ]
đào ‘dig’ [ Kukish *tai, Katśin dai (p. 48), Burmish Bur. *do\, M Bur. tu\, Phumoi tu¯, Akha tu\, Nyi du\ (p. 369), Tśairelish Katśingish tʿo, Kadu tʿu (p. 408) || Note: { 掏 tāo } ]
thấy ‘see’ [ Chin to\ (Shafer ?), OB Mig-ltos (p. 48), mtʿoń, Sbalti, Burig tʿoń (p. 81), other Bod. languages Tsangla tʿoń (p. 117) , West Himalayish languages Buman, Themor, Kanauri, Mantśati -tań, Tśamba-Lahuli ta- (p. 133) || Note: { 睇 dì } ]
trứng ‘egg’ [ M dàn 蛋, Kukish *tui, Luśei tui, Dimasa di, OB dui (p. 48) ]
điểm ‘mark’ [ M diăn 點 tem/, Siamese tēm2\ (p. 48) ]
lắm ‘many, much’ [ Siamese tʿ@m/, Kukish *tam, Luśei tam (p. 48) || Old Kukish Kuki *tam, Luśei tam, Tśiru tām-, Aimol -tam (p. 256) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese hlāy, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung lāy, Dioi, Ahom lay (p. 466) || Note: { 甚 shèn } ]
trán ‘forehead’ [ M diān 顛 ten- (top of the head; summit), Siamese, Lao ţēn_ (p. 48), OK Luśei -tśal, Kom tśe (p. 261) | Kuksih M-tśal, Baric Tipora mă-tśal (vầngtrán?) (p. 438), Dimasa tʿain, Katśingish tʿa (p. 443) ]
đứng ‘stand’ [ M zhàn 站, Kukish *M-tuńʾ\, Luśei tuńʾ, Dimasa doń- (p. 48) ]
bụng ‘belly, stomach’ [ M fú 腹 puk, Siamese, Lao pūm\, Kukish *p@, *puk, Luśei p@, pum, *puk, M Bur. -puik, wam\-puik, Dimasa bik-ma (p. 49), OB pʿo-ba, ze-bug, (p. 69) || OT Bob. lang. Gurung, Muri pʿo, Thaksya pʿo4 (p. 124), Southern Kukish Śo a-bu(ə)n (p. 221),Old Kukish Haka p@, Tlongsai peu (p. 269), Burmish Lolo poń, Akha po¯ (p. 374) ]
bà ‘grandmother’ [ M bǐ 妣 pyi/, OB pʿyi-mo, Kukish *pi, Luśei pi, Dimasa a-bi (p. 49) || Note: { 婆 pó } ]
vác ‘carry on back’ [ M fù 負 bǔ/, Kukish *t ?-pu, Luśei pu, M Bur. pui\, Dimasa –bu (p. 49) ]
búa ‘axe’ [ M fǔ 釜 pū, M. Bur. Pū- tśʿin (p. 49) ]
bát(ngát) ‘broad’ [ M bó 博 pāk (Shijing 50; 771 a-c), Kukish *pāk, Luśei pak, Dimasa –ba (p. 49), Mikir arpak (p. 277) ]
bông, búp ‘flower, petals' [ M pàn 瓣 băn\ (petals), Siamese pān, Kukish *pār, Luśei pār, Mikir pār (petal),M Bur. pan\, Dimasa bar, Katśin pan, ban (p. 49), OB ãba, ãba-pa (to open, bgin to bloom) (p. 74) ]
bay(bổng?) ‘to fly’ [ Chin pǔn\, Dimasa pur, OB pʿur | V bổng, M fàn 翻 pʿan (to fly up (of aprks)) (p. 49), OB ãpʿa-bar (p. 74) || Eastern dialects mpʿurwa (p. 111), Minor group Toţo bi, Dhimal bʿir (p.168), Norther Assam Midźu pʿyuń, Meyöl pʿöń (p. 188), Burmish O Bur. pyam, M Bur. pyam, N Bur. pyã, Megyaw, Samong pe (p. 359) ]
bắn ‘to shoot’ [ Siamese, Lao pēn_, Luśei perʾ (p. 49) || Note: { 放 fàng } ]
bẹp ‘flat’ [ also V biển ~ bảng 'board' M biăn 扁 pen/ (flat, signboard, tablet), Siamese pēn\2, Kukish *pēr, M Bur. pyań, Diamasa –pʿer, Katśin byen, pen, Siamese, Lao pēn\2 (p. 66), Tśairelish Katśinish pʿēk, Kadu pye (p. 409) ]
trợt ‘to slip’ [ Also, V té ‘fall down’, M diè 跌 det, OB ãdred (p. 51) ]
đền ‘palace, temple’ [ M diàn 殿 den\, Siamese dēn\1 (p. 51) ]
đốt ‘burn’ [ OB drugs, M Bur. tok (p. 51) || Northern Assam Midźu tʿak (M) (p. 186) || Note: { 燒 shāo } ]
đau(đớn) ‘feel pain, love’[ also V thương, M téng 疼 duoń- (only in modern Chin. this word conveys those two meanings while 痛 tòng signifies ‘pain’ only.), OB gduńs, gduńs-pa (p. 51) || Note: { -w < -ong } ]
đàng, đường ‘path’ [ also, V ‘road, way, route’, M táng 唐 dāń- (Shijing 700 a-b: path in a temple, also, ‘route, road’), Siamese, Lao dāń (also, road, way) (p. 51) || Note: { 途 tú, 道 dào } ]
sơn 'paint' [ M xī 漆, OB rtsi, Katśin tsi, M Bur. tśʿe\ (p. 51) ]
bọ ‘insect’ [ Chin. bǔ\ (Shijing 102 l’ – m’: ‘crawl’ = V ‘bò’. It is interesting to see the phonetic resemblance of these two words.), M Bur. pui\, OB ãbu (p. 51), Burmish Bur. *bui\, Lolo Phumoi bo\, Nyi bu\, Ahi bö\, bu\, Lolopho bö\, Phumoi bu, Wei-ning bü (p. 368) || Note: { 爬 pá. See 'bò'. } ]
chua ‘sour’ [ M suān 酸 suān-, Kukish *tʿar\, Kanauri sur-, Luśei tʿar (p. 52) || OB sur- (Rodong), Luśei tʿur (p. 74) || Also OB skyur-po, Archaic West Bodish dialects Sbalti, Burig skyur-, West Central and East Himalayish Bahing, Thulung dźyur-, Dumi, Khulung -dźur, Vayu dźu- (p. 144) ]
rét ‘cold’ [ Souther Kukish Kukish *śik, Katśin śik, Luśei śik (p. 52), Śo sʿi(i) (p. 220), Luhupa Branch Hlota -tsak-, Tengsa -tśik (p. 316) || Note: { 悽 qī } ]
tiếng ‘sound, voice’ [ M shēng 聲 śīń-, Siamese śīyěń (p. 52) | Siamese śīěń/, Lao syəń/, (sień) (V, S, L: word, language, sound) (p. 69) ]
chị ‘elder sister’ [ M zǐ 姊 tsi/, OB ʾa-tśʿe, Katśin tśet ? (p. 52) | 'man's sister' Luhupa Branch Kukish *far, Luśei, Maring tśar, Ukhrul -tsar, Kupome -dźa-, Maram -ti-, Kwoireng -tan- (p. 324) ]
chỉ 'finger; point at' [ M zhǐ 指 tśi/, Siamese dźi2 (p. 59) ]
câu 'hook' [ M jìu丩kǔ-, OB kyu (p. 59) | 'fishhook' OK Kukish *ar-t?-kuai, Luśei -kuai, Mara kei (p. 269) || Note: { 鉤 gōu } ]
(đầu)gối 'knee' [ Luśei *kʿu, Siamese kʿo_1 (p. 59) || Note: { 膝蓋 qīgài } ]
mù 'blind' [ M máo 瞀 mu\, OB dmus-loń (p. 60) ]
mù 'fog' [ M wù 霧 mū\, OB rmu-ba, M Bur. muigʾ\ (p. 60) ]
cậu 'uncle' [ M jìu 舅 gǔ/, OB kʿu-bo, M Bur. *kʿu (p. 60), Luhupa Branch Tśungli, Mongsen, Tśangki -kʿu, Rong -ku2 (p. 306)]
góp, gọp 'gather' [ VS tụ, M jǔ 聚 dzū/\, còu 湊 tsʿu\ (to collect, to assemble), M Bur. tśǔ (p. 60) ]
cụ 'headman' [ ~ also V gộc ?, SV cự, M jǔ 巨 gǒ/ (Chin. 'large, great, chief'; Chin. Śan kʿuiw1 'be great, large in bulk, size; be proud, self important'), OB ãgo, Siamese, Lao go^2 (beginning, origin, cause) (p. 61) ]
già 'grow old' [ M qí 耆 gyi-, OB bgres, M Bur. kri\ (p. 61), as 'old, aged' OB rmo, rmos || A W. Bob. Sbalti rgas-, Burig rgas- (p. 80) ]
báo 'speech' [ V bảo 'report, inform, announce, publish', M bào 報 pau\ (Chin. report, inform), M Bur. po, Luśei *pao, Siamese, Lao pāw_1 (divulge, announce, publish) (p. 61) ]
vòng 'round' [ M wān 彎 wăn-, M Bur. ʾwan\ (p. 64) || Note: { 環 huán } ]
hết 'to not exist' [ V 'finished, consumed', M miè 滅 met, OB med-pa, Siamese, Lao hmēăƫ/ (Lao: 'finished, consumed') (p. 65) ]
đánh 'beat, strike' [ M dă 打 teń, OB teń (Mantśati unit), Luśei deń (p. 66) || also OB rduń, E. dialects Dwags duń (p. 115) ]
kèm 'unite in one, put together' [ V 'attach, together, with', M jiān 兼 kem-, Siamese kēm (mix, intermix, mingled), Lao kēm/ (together, with) (p. 66) ]
nhắm 'be sleepy' [ M mián 眠 men- (to close the eyes, to sleep). M Bur. myań (p. 66) ]
thở 'breath' [ M 息 sịək (to breathe), M Bur. ʾă-sak (p. 66) ]
chích 'to bite' [ M zhí 蟄 śīk, OB tśig (Kanauri), Siamese tśǐk_ (p. 66) ]
kềm 'thongs' [ M qián 鉗 gīm-, Siamese, Lao gīm (p. 66) ]
bắp(chân) 'calf of leg' [ M bīn 臏 bin/ (knee-cap, knee, leg, mod. 腓 pái for calves), OB byin-pa (p. 68) ]
cân 'weigh' [ M jīn 斤, M Bur. kʿyin, Luśei kʿīn (p. 68) ]
liên 'continuous' [ M lián 連 līn-, Lao lyən (lien) (p. 69) || Note: { also V 'liền' } ]
bộp 'hit, strike' [ M pú 撲 pʿok, OB pʿog (p. 70) ]
chất 'heap together' [ M zú 族 dzok (to collect together), OB ãdzog-pa(p. 70) ]
lỗ 'hole' [ OB rlubs, M Bur. lup (p. 40), Siamese, Lao hlǔp (hollow, deep) (p. 71) || Note: { 窿 lóng, 漏 lǒu } ]
búp 'bud' [ OB mum, M Bur. (arch.), Luśei -mūm (p. 71), Tśairelish Katśinish BOm?, Kadu, Khauri a-bum (p. 412) || Notes: {蓓 bǒu ]
ngậm 'hold in the mouth' [ M àn 唵 ʿām-, Luśei *um, Siamese ʿ@m (p. 71) ]
nâng 'to rise, raise' [ M áng 昂 ńāń-, Siamese ńāń^2 (p. 72) ]
ngậm 'put or throw into the moth' [ M hán 含 ɣām-, M xián 銜 ɣām-, OB gams, Siamese, Lao gām- (p. 72) ]
mất 'to die' [ M wáng 亡 mań-, Luśei mań (p. 72) ]
đen 'dark, black, somber' [ M xuán 玄 ɣuʷen-, Siamese, Lao gūn (night) (p. 72) | OT Bod. lang. Gurung mloń-ya, Marmi mlań-ai, Thaksya malań (p. 127),Tśairelish Katśinish dum, Andro tum-, Sengmai tʿum-, Sak -tʿün (p. 397) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tām, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung dăm, Tay noir lăm, Li dɔm (p. 459) ]
bầu 'gourd' [ M Bur. bʿu\, Luśei būr (p. 74) || Notes: {瓢 piáo} ]
than 'ashes' [ M tān 炭 tʿān\, OB tʿal-ba, Siamese, Lao tʿān_1 (p. 75) || Note: { Actually, the original meaning of this etymon is also for 'charcoal' } ]
tro 'ashes' [ Baric Garo tapra, Tipora, Dimasa tʿāpla, Bodo hatʿ@pla, Metś ha-topla, Atong tap-pa-ra, Mośang tap-tʿa, Namsangia tapla, Tśang tap (p. 428) || Note: { 灰 huī } ]
rắn 'snake' [ M mǐn 閩 min- (modern M shé 蛇), OB sbrul, M Bur. mrwe, Luśei rūl (p. 75) || A W. Bod. Sbalti ɣbul, Burig zbrul, Ladwags rul (p. 83), Northern Branch Thanphum rūl (Taʾoa), Matupi Xŗūl (p. 251), Old Kukish Kuki *p-r2-ūl, Luśei rūl, Aimol rul, Hrangkhol mi-rul (p. 258), Kom ma-ri, Tśiruma-ro (p. 261), Mara pa-ri, Sabeu pe-ri (p. 272), Maring pʿrul, Mikir (R.) pʿurul, Mikir (W.) pʿurui (p. 278), Burmish O Bur. mruy, N Bur. mvei, Intha hmvi, Danu mwe, Samong moiń, Lawng -moi, Tsaiwa măvi (p. 362) ]
rơi 'drop, fall, let fall' [ M luò 落, OB kʿrul, M Bur. kʿrwe (p. 75), also Luhupa Branch Kukish klu, Luśei tlu, Phadang ku loi- (p. 292) ]
mo 'sorcery' [ M wū 巫, OB rol-ba, M Bur. rwa (p. 75) || Note: { cf. 巫師 wūshī VS 'phùthuỷ' (also #'thầymo') 'sorcerer' ]
cuộn 'to coil' [ Also V cuốn 'roll', M juān 卷, 捲 kwīn (roll, scroll, roll up), OB bsgril (to wind), M Bur. kʿwe, Luśei kual (p. 75) ]
ho 'cough' [ M ké 咳 kʿayi\, Luśei kʿuʾ (p.76) || Central Kukish Kukish *m-r-kʿus, Kapwi kʿu (p. 242), Southern Branch Thado Thado kʿu, Śiyang kʿu (p. 251) ]
giời 'sun' [ Also: 'trời', 'ngày' (day) | OB nyi-, M rì 日 nyit < *nyit-á < *nyi'-ta (p.76) || Also, OB nyin, E. dialect Dwags nyen-te (p. 114), Old Kukish *k?-ni, Luśei, Meithlei ni (p. 280), Burmish Bur. *ńi-, M Bur. neʾ, Lolo Ahi, Lolopho ńi, Chöko ńi, Ahi ńi-, Weining ńi, Phumoi ne¯, Akha nẵ¯, Ulu nie (p. 366) | (day) Baric Bodo -ni, Metś -nai, Dimasa, Tśutisa, Atong, Wanang, Ruga, Kontś, Mośang -ni, Namsingia -ńyi, Muthun, Mulung -nyi, -ni, Tśang nyet (p. 428) ]
cẳng 'foot, leg' [ ~ V chân, chơn', OB rkań || A W. Bod. Sbalti rkań 'origin', skań 'shin' (p. 79), Southern Bodish Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad, Śarpa kań- (p. 90), Eastern dialects Amdo rkań-wa (p. 105), Southern Kukish: Kukish *-kʿoń, Śo kʿon (p. 221), Old Kukish Luśei kʿoń, Meithlei kʿōń (p. 284), all other Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /ke/ (p. 253), Burmish Bur. *kʿri, M Bur. kʿre, Lolo Phumoi kʿu, Akha kʿu\, Ahi kʿi-, Nyi, Lolopho tśʿə-, Chöko tś (p. 366), Tśairelish Katśinish kʿoń/, Kadu lă-goń (p. 412) || OB rkań-pa, Karenic *kʾań, Karenni mä, Pwo kʾə9, Sgaw kʾ@7, Taungthu kań, Yinbaw kańn\, Taungyi -kʾań1, Thaton kʾań3 (pp. 418, 419) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾkheeŋ, Lao khɛń, Shan, Tho kɛń, Tay blanc qhɛń, Dioi hɛń (p. 495) || Note: { 脛 jìng } ]
cỏ 'grass' [ OB stswa || A W. Bod. Sbalti rtswa, Burig śtsoa (p. 79) || Note: { 草 căo } ]
đói 'hunger' [ OB ltogs-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti ltok-, Burig ltok (p. 80) || Note: { 餒 něi, n- ~ d- } ]
trông 'look' [ OB tlos || A W. Bod. Sbalti, Burig ltos (p. 80) || Note: { 瞪 dèng } ]
nồi 'vessel, pot' [ OB snod || A W. Bod. Sbalti snod (p. 81) || Note: { 豆 dòu, d- ~ n- } ]
râu 'beard' [ OB sma-ra || A W. Bob. Sbalti smay-ra, Burig smayan-rā (p. 81), other Bod languages Ladwags smań-ra, Tsangla mań-ra (p. 118) || Note: { 鬚 xū } ]
cửa 'door' [ OB sgo || A W. Bob. zgo, Burig zgō (p. 81), Eastern dialect sgo (p. 111), Minor groups Kukish kʿār, Newari kʿā, Burmish M Bur. kʿa\, (p. 384), Lolo Lisu kʿa (p. 384) || Notes { 戶 hù } ]
bọt 'bubble' [ OB sbu-ba || A W. Bob. zbw-, Burig zbal- (p. 81) || Note: { Notes : { 泡 pào } ]
đêm 'night' [ OB mtsʿan-mo || A W. Bod. Sbalti tsʿan (p. 81), Souther Branch Kukish *yān, Luśei zān, Thado yān, Śiyang yan3, Vuite zan (p. 247) || Note: { 宵 xiāo } ]
màu 'color' [ OB mdog- || A W. Bob. Burig -dok (p. 82) || Note: { 貌 mào } ]
ngọt 'sweet' [ OB mńar-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti, Burig ńar- (p. 82) || Note: { 飠宛 yuē (ngạt) } ]
mũi 'nose' [ OB mtśʿul-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti snam-sul (nostril), Burig snam-tśʿul (p. 82), Norther Assam Midźu mīnyuń, Meyöl mīnoń (p. 187) || Note: { 鼻 bí } ]
bột 'flour' [ OB pʿye || A W. Bod. Sbalti -pʿe, Burig -pʿe (p. 82) || Note: { 粉 fen, see 'bụi' } ]
phía 'side, direction' [ OB pʿyogs || A W. Bod. Sbalti -pʿyox, Burig -pi (p. 82) || Note: { 邊 biān, also 'bên, miền' } ]
đôi 'pair' [ OB dor || A W. Bod. Sbalti dor (p. 83) || Note: { 對 duì } ]
nóng 'hot' [ OB dro-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti trong-, Burig drun- (p. 83) || Note: { 燙 tàng } ]
nhọn 'sharp' [ ~ V 'pointed' | OB rnon-pa || A W. Bod. Ladwags rnon- (J) (p. 83) || Note: { 尖 jiān } ]
nghe 'hear, listen' [ OB nyan, OB -nä || S. Bod. Lhoskad, Śarpa nyen (p. 91), E. dialects Dwags nyan, Central Branch Ngente, Haka ńai, Panku, hmar -ńai- (p. 230), Southern Branch Kukish *-r-ńai-, Luśei ńai, Thado ńai-, Ralte -ńai-, Śiyang ńai, Vuite -ńei- (p.246), Burmish Bur. *na¯, M Bur. na, Lolo Phumoi, Akha na\, Nyi na¯, Ahi nō¯ , Lolopho no¯ (p. 366) | O Bur. na, Karenic *na\, Pwo nā6, Sgaw nə8-, Bwe mäʾ (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Daic *ŋin, Siamese yin, Lao, Ahom ñin, Shan, Tay noir ńin, Tay blac nin, Tho nin (p. 486) || nghe(lời) 'obey, listen' | OK Kukish *-r-ńai, Luśei ńai, Sabeu -ńey (p. 269), Luhupa Branch Hlota -ńa-, Tśungli -ńa, Longla ńa (p. 310) || Note: { 廳 tīng, Hainanese /k'e/ } ]
ngủ 'sleep' [ OB snyid || S. Bod. Groma nyiʾ- (p. 91) || Note: { 臥 wò } ]
khác 'different' [ OB kʿyad || C. Bod. Choni kʿyä (p.102) || Note: { contraction of 個別 gèbié } ]
vua 'king' [ OB rgyal-po || E. dialects Amdo rgyal-wo (p. 105) || Note: { 王 wáng } ]
bànchân 'foot' [ OB bań, OB rkań-pa (leg) || E. dialects Amdo hkań-wa (p. 106), Khams rkań-pa (p. 112), W. Hima. lang. Thebor bań-kʿat (p. 133) || Note : { 腳版 jiăobăn } ]
thẳng 'straigth' [ OB drań-po || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla drań-po (p. 117) || Note: { 正 zhèng } ]
bứt 'pull out weeds' [ OB pʿut (pf.) || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla pʿut (p. 118) || Note: { 拔 bá } ]
trắng 'white' [ OB dkar-ba || OT Bod. lang. Gurung, Marmi, Thaksya tar- | Shafer: Parallel to OB dkar-ba "white" are not found ouside Bodish, and one can only say the the primitive Tibeto-Burmic form may have been *t-ɣar which would explain the preservation of the prefix and the dropping of the initial.) (p. 125) || Note: { 白 bái } ]
lại 'arrive, come' [ OB sleb || W. Himal. lang. Bunan leb, Mantśti hleb (p 138), Minor group Toƫo, Dhimal le- (p. 169) || Note: { 來 lái } ]
chânmày 'eyebrow' [ W. Himal. lang. Thebor mik-tśam (also 'eyelashes'), Kanauri mik-tsam (p. 140) || Note: { 眉尖 méijiān } ]
móng 'claw, fingermail' [ OB sder-mo || West Central and East Himalayish Vayu deme (p. 144) || Note: { 趼 jiăn } ]
củ 'potato' [ OB skyi-ba || W. C E. Himal. lang. Dumi ki 'yam', Kulung kʿe, Rodong -ki, Kiranti, Waling -kʿi, Balali kʿu, Limbu, Yakkha kʿe (p. 152) || Note: { 薯 shǔ } ]
quăng 'throw awy' [ Kunkish worʾ < *warʾ || Minor groups Newari wā- (p. 160) || Note: { 扔 rèng } ]
bận 'put on clothes, wear' [ Southern Branch Kukhish *bun, Kukish bun, Luśei bun, Ralte -bn-, Śiyang būn (p. 250) || Minor groups Newari pũ (K), Tśairelish Katśingish bun, Kadu pʿun (p. 411) || Note: { 披 pì, see 'mặc' } ]
cột 'bind, tie' [ N. Ass. Midźu kid3 (M), Meyöl kid3 (p. 185), Tśairelish Katśinish kʿit, Kadu git (p. 410) || Note: { 結 jié } ]
nâu 'brown' [ N. Ass. Midźu rańāl, Meyöl ńāl (p. 186) || Note: { 焦 jiāo. Also 'cháy' (burnt) } ]
bắp 'corn' [ N. Ass. Midźu b@ (N), Taying ma-bōl(N) (p. 186) || Note: { contraction of 包子 bāomǐ (SV baomễ) } ]
ruộng 'field [ N. Ass. Miśing jhum, Yano rek, Bunan rig (p. 204) || Note": { 田 tián } ]
khum 'bow down' [ Kukish kum ?, (to stoop), Ka. kum, gūm || N. Ass. Miśing kum, Yano rek, Bunan rig (p. 204) || Note: { 躬 gong } | khum 'to stoop' Burmish O Bur. kʿum, M Bur. kʿum, N Bur. kʿoũ\, Lawng kam, Tsaiwa kim (p. 361) || Note: { 局 jú } ]
cùng 'together' [ Kukish M-kʿ@m || N. Ass. Miśing kum (p. 204) || Note: { 同 tóng } ]
kẹp 'pinch, tongs' [ Kukish -kʿep, Dimasa kʿep (p. 204) || Note: { 夾 jiă } ]
vùi 'bury' [ S. K. Kukish *wui, Luśei vui, Khimi vui (p. 208), S. Br. Thado wui, Śiyang wi (p.249), Luhupa Branch Kukish *wui, Luśei vui, Phadang tśa-hui (p. 312 ) || Note: { 埋 mái } ]
ngắn 'short' [ S. K. Luśei hniam, Śo nyen, -nen (p. 218) || Note: { 短 duăn } ]
bẩn [ S. K. Hwalngau bāl, Śo ba (p. 220) ]
ỉa 'deffecate' [ S. K. Luśei ēkʾ, Śo ek (p. 221) || Note: { 屙 é } ]
mốc 'mildew' [ S. K. Luśei ēkʾ hmuar, Śo -hm@ (p. 221) || Note: { 霉 méi } ]
sét 'thunderbolt' [ S. K. *-krēk, Luśei tēk, Tśinbok ń-grēk/ (p. 222), Old Kukish *M-Krēk, Tśiru me-tśek, Purum -tek (p. 261) ]
nạ 'mother' [ Central Branch Kukish *nu\, Haka, Panku nu, Taungtha, Śonśe -nu, Bandźogi nu (p. 230), all Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /nu/ (p. 252) || Note: { 娘 niáng } ]
vỏ 'husk' [ C. Br. Kukish *wai, Luśei wai, Pankhu -vai, Haka vai (p. 230), Old Kukish Meithlei wai (p. 282) || Note: { 莢 qiá, also 殼 gǔ } ]
voi 'elephant' [ O Bur. *m-ɣui\, Śo (a)-mui\, Yawdwin m-wi, Ukhrul mă-vhû, Phadang mahwi (pp. 25-27), C. Br. all languages, Haka, Taungtha, Śonśe wi (p. 232), Lahupa Branch Kukish *m-ɣui\, Luśei wi, Ukhrul mă-vʿu, Phadang ma-hwi (p. 312 ) || Note: { 為 wéi } ]
trong 'clear' [ C. Br. Kukish *M-r-tʿiańʾ, Kapwi ma-tʿeń (p. 242) || Note: { 清 qīng } ]
xấu 'bad' [ Northern Branch Kukish *tśiatʾ, Luśei tśiatʾ, Śiyang śiě, sʿia (p. 244) || Note: { 丑 chǒu } ]
xa 'far' [ Southern Branch Kukish *hlaʾ, Luśei lā, Thado -la, Ralte -la-, Śiyang -la, Vuite -la (p. 246) || Note: { 遐 xiá } ]
lại 'again' [ S. Br. Kukish leʾ, Luśei leʾ, Thado le, Ralte leʾ, Śiyang le, Vuite leʾ (p. 248) || Note: { 再 zài } ]
lần 'times' [ S. Br. Kukish *lai, Luśei lai, Thado -lai, Ralte -lai-, Śiyang lai, Vuite -lai- (p. 248) ]
bự, bà 'large, female' [ C. Br. Kukish *pui, Luśei pui, Haka pi, Śonśe, Bandźogi -pi (p. 234), S. Br. (also 'female') Thado -pí, Śiyang -pui, Vuite pi (p. 249) || Note: { 婆 pó (woman) } ]
ức, ngực 'chest' [ S. Br. Kukish *ir, Luśei, Ralte ir (p. 249) || Note: { 臆 yì } ]
nói 'say' [ OB ńag, M Bur. ńak (speech) (pp. 36-39), S. Br. Kukish *śoi, Luśei śoi, Thado śoi-, Ralte -śoi- (p. 249) || Note: { 話 huà } ]
mọi 'slave' [ S. Br. Kukish *boiʾ, Luśei boiʾ, Ralte boi-, Vuite boi (p. 249) || Note: { 蠻 mán } ]
đầy 'full' [ S. Br. Kukish *dim, Luśei dim-, Thado dim, Śiyang ɖim (p. 251), Tśairelish Katśinish dim, Kadu dem (p. 411) || Note: { 沓 dá } ]
ruột 'bowels' [ Northern branch Thanphum ă-rīn, Matupi Xrīl (p. 251), OK Kukish *k-r2il, Luśei ril, Mara ri (p. 272) ]
mất 'lose' [ OK Kuki *mań, *hmań, Luśei mań, Aimol, Purum -mań-, Hallam mań- (p. 256) , Luhupa Branch Rengma -mʿe-, ememai mo- || Note: { 失 shì } ]
thật 'very' [ OK Kuki *tak, Holhreng -tak (p. 256) || Note: { 實 shí, see 'trái' } ]
rất 'much, many' [ OK Kuki *yāt, Kolhreng -yāt- (p. 257) || Note: { 極 jí } ]
cải 'quarrel' [ OK Kuki *kalʾ, Luśei kalʾ, Anal kal- (p 257) || Note: { contraction of 吵架 chăojià } ]
rớt 'fall' [ OK Kuki *klākʾ, Luśei tlākʾ, Biate, -klākʾ (p.257) || Note: { 落 luò } ]
uống 'drink' [ OK Kuki *in, Luśei in, Biate in, Purum in-, Kom -in- (pp. 257-258) || Note { 飲 yǐn } ]
cừu 'goat' [ V. trừu 'sheep', OK Kuki *kēl, Luśei kēl, Tśiru, Purum, Lnagong kel, Kom ke (p. 259), Luhupa Branch Maring, Ukhrul yaǒ (p. 312) || Note: { 羔 gāo } ]
cồng 'drum' [ OK Kuki *kʿuań, Luśei kʿuań, Tśiru, Lamgang kʿoń, Aimol kʿūwoń, Langrong -kʿ@ń, Hrangkhol kʿoń-, Kolhreng kʿūwoń, Kom kʿan (p. 260) || Note: { 鼓 gǔ } ]
muốn 'wish' [ OK Kuki *nuam, Luśei nuam, Aimol -nwom-, Langrong -n@m-, Hrangkhol pūn, Kolhreng -nūwom-, Kom -hnūm- (p. 260) || Note: { 願 yuàn } ]
trai 'masculine' [ OK Luśei tśal, Kom ma-tśe, Tśiru a-tsa (. p 261) || Note: { 丁 dīng } ]
rào 'fence' [ OK Luśei pal, Kom ra-pe, Tśiru ra-pa (p. 261) || Note: { 欄 lán } ]
dê 'goat, wild goat' [ M yáng 羊 ịań || Burmish Lolo Nyi źo/, Ahi źu-, Lolopho ya/ (373), also O Bur. *-it, M Bur. tśʿit, Lolo Phumoi tsut, Akha tśʿi, Ulu tśʿyi (p. 372), OK Kukish *M-ya, Luśei, Mara sa-ya, Tlongsai s@-z@ (p. 266), also Kukish *yau, Meithlei yao (sheep) (p. 282) | (~ SV 'mùi' wèi 未 as in the 12 animal Zodiac table), Kukish *me, Luśei me, Śandu mya (p. 269), Luhupa Branch Maram mi, Kwoireng, Khoirao -ka-mi (p. 307) ]
nắng 'sun' [ OK Kukish *k?-ni\, Luśei ni, Mara, Tlongsai, Hawthai nań (p. 267) || Note: { 陽 yáng } ]
lật 'turn over' [ OK Kukish *M-let, *let 'upside down', Luśei let, letʾ, Mara pa-li, li, (p. 269) || Note: { 翻 fān ? } ]
nhét 'tack in' [ OK Kukish *yepʾ, Luśei zepʾ, Mara zi (p. 271) || Note: { 間 jiàn } ]
kén 'chosy' [ OK Kukish *kʿiań, Luśei kʿiań, Tlongsai, Mara kʿ (p. 271) || Note: { 揀 jiăn } ]
vượn 'monkey' [ OK Kukish *-y@ń, Luśei z@ń, Tlongsai a-zeu, Miram -a-zau_ (p. 271), Meithlei yōm (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Maring yuń, Khoibu, Ukhrul, Phadang Kupome, Khunggoi, C. and N. Luhupa, Maram, Khoirao -yoń, Kwoireng -dźoń (pp. 296, 297) || Note: { 猿 yuán } ]
hàn 'solder' [ OK Kukish *hār, Luśei hār, Tlongsai h@- (p. 271) || Note: { 焊 hán } ]
tên 'arrow' [ OK Kukish *tʿal, Luśei tʿal, Sabeu tśa-tey (p. 272), Mikir tāl (p. 277) || Note: { 箭 jiàn } ]
tre 'bamboo' [ OK Kukish *tśāl, Luśei tśāl, Hawthai -tśa, Sabeu -tśe (p. 272) || Note: { 竹 zhú } ]
thúi 'rot' [ OK Kukish *tʿu, Haka tu, Mara tu, Mikir tʿu (p. 277) || Note: { 臭 chòu } ]
đồn 'be rumored' [ OK Kukish *tʿańʾ, Luśei tʿań, Mikir tʿań (rumor) (p. 277) || Note: { contraction of 傳聞 chuánwén } ]
cúi 'bend down' [ OK Kukish *kūr, Luśei kūr, Mikir kur (p. 278) || Note: { 局 jú } ]
lưng 'back' [ OK Kukish *hnuń, Luśei hnuń, Mikir nuń (p. 278) || Note: { 脊梁 jíliáng } ]
dòng 'water course' [ OK Kukish *duń, Luśei duń, Mikir doń (p. 278) | Note: { 湧 yǒng } ]
trả(giá) 'bargain' [ OK Kukish *d@r, Luśei d@r, Mikir dor-pet (p. 278) || Note: { 討價 tăojià } ]
trùn 'worm' [ OK Kukish *til, Luśei til, Meithlei til (p. 279) || Note: { 蟲 chóng. Also: 'giun, sâu, sán' } ]
phồng 'swell' [ OK Kukish *puam, Luśei puam, Meithlei pom- (p. 284), Luhupa Branch Rong pǔm-byom (p. 319), M Bur pʿwamʾ, O Bod sbom-, Tśairelish Katśinish puam, Kadu pum (p. 411) || Note: { 膨 péng } ]
sừng 'horn' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-ń-r-ki, Luśei ki, Maring tśi, Khoibu, Khoirao -tśi, Phadang tśe, Kupome mă-tśew, Khunggoi-tśi, C. Luhupa -m-tśi, N. Luhupa (a)kă-tśü, Kabui tśai (p. 287) || Note: { 角 jiăo } ]
dè 'fear' [ Also 'sợ'. (See also cử, kỵ) Luhupa Branch Kukish *kri, Luśei ţi, Maring, Khunggoi, Mongsen tśi-, Ukhrul ńă-tśi, Phadang n-dźé, Tśangki tsắ- (p. 290), Tśungli -tso, Mongsen tsi-, also Tśangki tsê- (p. 305) || Note: { 懼 jù } ]
hùm 'tiger' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish hum, Maring hum-, Khoibu hom-, Khoirao -hu- (p. 300) || Note: { 虎 hǔ, see 'cọp' } ]
hành 'onion' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *ho, Kupome, Maram, Kabui -hau (pp. 299, 300) || Note: { 蔥 cōng } ]
trái 'left' [ Luhupa Branch Hukish *t-p?-wei, Luśei vei-, Kupomr wai- (p. 307) || Note: { 左 zuǒ } ]
hay 'know' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *tʿeiʾ, Luśei tʿei-?, Kabui tai- (p. 308) || Note: { 知 zhī, Hainanese /taj/ } ]
chơi 'play' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *tśai, Luśei tśai, Hlota tśa- (p. 310) || Note: { 耍 shuă, as in '玩耍 wánshuă' } ]
sôi 'boil' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *so, Luśei śo, Tśungli -so, Rong tsu (p. 311) || Note: { 燒 shāo } ]
càocào 'grassshopper' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *kʿau, Luśei kʿao, Ukhrul kʿaǒ, Imemai kʿ-to-zê, Zumoni tʿla-ku (p. 312) ]
làm 'make, do' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *siam, Luśei śiam, Zumomi śi-, Tengima si- (p. 322), Burmish O Bur, M Bur. lup, N Bur. louʾ, Arak., Intha lot, Tavoy lauʾ, Samong lak (p. 361) || Note: { 勞 láo, 弄 nòng, 幹 gàn...? } ]
dệt 'weave' [ Burmish O. Bur. rak, M. Bur. rak, N. Bur. yeʾ, Intha yak, Danu yet, Tavoy yit (p. 346), Lolo Ahi ye\, Nyi ie-, Lolopho yi (p.370) || Note: { 織 zhí } ]
bỗng 'suddenly' [ Burmish M. Bur. pʿrut-, N. Bur. pʿyouʾ-, Lawng pyat ('fast') (p. 358) || Note: { contraction of 突然 tùrán } ]
dậy 'stand up' [ Burmish O. Bur. ryap, M Bur. rap, N. Bur. yaʾ, Arak. yatʾ, Tavoy yat, Letśi, Tsaiwa yap (p. 359) || Note: 起 qǐ } ]
xong 'complete' [ Burmish O Bur. tśum, M Bur. tśum, N Bur. soũ, Tavoy saũ (p. 361) || Note: { 成 chéng } ]
cơm 'food, cooked rice' [ Burmish Bur. *tśa-, M Bur. tśa, Lolo Nyi tsa-, Ahi tso- (p. 366) || Note: { 飯 fàn } ]
chó 'dog' [ Burmish Bur. *kʿwi\, M Bur. kʿwe\, Lolo Phumoi, Akha kʿu\, Nyi, Lolopho tśʿə\ (p. 366) || Note: { 狗 gǒu } ]
chợ 'market' [ Burmish M Bur. dźʿe\, Lolo Ahi tśʿə\, Nyi kʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 367) || Notes: { 市 shì } ]
gai 'thorn' [ Burmish Bur. *tś(ʿ)o\, M Bur. tśʿu, Lolo Lolopho tśu (p.369) || Note: { 莿 cì } ]
mặc 'to dress' [ Burmish Bur. *wat, M Bur. wat (p. 3371) || Note: { 披 pì } ]
quay 'spin' [ Burmish Bur. *wań, M Bur. wańʾ, Lolo Lolopho va (p. 373) || Note: { 還 huán } ]
dẫn 'lead, take by hands' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Ahom tśuŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tśuń, Shan suń (p. 489) || Burmish Lolo tsiń\, Ahi tsań\ (p. 374) || Note: { 引 yǐn } ]
u 'mother' [ Tśairelish Tśairel (a)-u, Mru u, Katśinish u ? (p. 391) ]
hăm 'twenty' [ Tśairelish Katśinish m-kul, Andro hol, Sak hūn (p. 397) ]
non 'young, soft' [ Tśairelish Katśinish -no, Kadu nu (p. 408) || Note: { 嫩 nèn } ]
phun 'sprinke' [ Tśairelish Katśinish pʿul, Kadu bun (p. 408) || Note: { 噴 pèn, also V 'bắn' } ]
lăn 'roll' [ Tśairelish Katśinish lum, Kadu lum- (p. 410) || Note: { 輪 lún } ]
sạch 'clean' [ OB seń-, Tśairelish Katśinish M-r-?-tʿiańʾ, Kadu seń (p. 411) || Note: { 潔 jié } ]
lá 'leaf' [ OB lab-ma || W. Himal. lang. Kukish lap?, Bunan, Mantśti lab (p 138), Tśairelish Katśinish lap, Rawang -lāp, Khalang -lăp (p. 402), Mnyamskad lap-ti, West Himal. lab, Midźu, Kadu lap (p. 405), Luśei la, Karenic *hla\, Karenni lä, Pwo lə28, Sgaw lə7, Bwe lä7 (p. 414) || Note: { 葉 yè } ]
vợ 'wife' [ ~ V 'mợ' | OB sna, O Bur. hna, Karenic *hma-, Karenni mä, Pwo mə38, Sgaw mā1, Bwe mäʾ (p. 414) || Note: { 婦 fù } ]
cọp 'tiger' [ Old Burmese t-kei, Middle Burmese kya\ < *kla < *kī-la, Luśei -kei, Tśiru ă-kei, Mara tśa-kei, Meithlei kei, Mikir te-ke (pp.22-23), Southern Branch Kukish *t-kei, Luśei keiʾ, Thado -kei, Śiyang, Vuite kei (p. 248), Old Kukish Tśiru -kei, Amol ă-kei, Purum kei, Hrangkhol -gei, Hallam -ǐkei (p. 253), Old Kukish Mara tśa-kei, Tlongsai, Hawthai, Zotung kei (p. 268), Khami tă-kei, Mikir ta-ke (p. 277), Karenic Pwo -kʿē38_, Sgaw kʿē2, Bwe kʿe (p.416) || Note: { 虎 hǔ, see 'hùm' } ]
biển 'sea' [ Also V bể | M. Bur. pań-lay, Karenic *pań, Pwo pə9-lai28, Sgaw pä7-lâ7, p@7-lâ7 (pp. 416, 418) || Note: { 海 hăi } ]
gò ‘hill, mound’ [ M qīu 丘 kʿu, M xū 虛 kʿǒ-, Siamese kʿo/ (p.44) | M. Bur. ko, Luśei ko, Karenic *kʿo\, Pwo kʿo28 (p. 416) ]
mợ 'mother' [ OB mo, Karenic *mo\, Pwo mo5, Sgaw mo8 (p. 416) || Note: { 母 mǔ. Also: 'mẹ, me'. 'mợ' in V also means 'maternal uncle's wife', a short form equivalent to C 舅母 jìumǔ. } ]
cổ 'throat' [ OB lkog-ma || A W. Bod. Sbalti rkox | Karenic *gok, Pwo kʿǒʾ1, Sgaw kǒ4 (p. 417) || Note: { 喉 hóu } ]
mơ 'dream' [ OB rmań-lam, M Bur. mak, Kukish mań || OT Bod. lang. Rgyarong (rta)-rmo (E.) (p. 121) | Northern Assam Taying ya-mo (p. 190), Miśing, Abor ma(ń), Yano -m@, E. Nyising -ma, Tagen m@-na (p. 196), Burmish O Bur. ʿip-mak, N. Bur. meʾ, Lawng -m@ (p. 346) | Luśei mań, Karenic *mańʾ, Pwo -meʾ3, Sgaw -m@8, Taungthu -mań, Paku -mo5, Geba, Bwe -ma2, Yinbaw -mańn (pp. 418, 419) || Note: { 夢 mèng } ]
nhớ 'remember' [ Karenic Paku -no4, Bwe, Geba -ne2, Nuku -ne\¯ (p. 419) || Note: { 憶 yì } ]
lồn 'vagina' [ Karenic Paku li5, Bwe ¢li2, Geba a2li2, Taungyi lịn, Thaton lịn2 (p. 419) || Note: { contraction of 女陰 nǚyīn } ]
cặt 'penis' [ OB mdźe- || A W. Bob. Sbalti dźe- (p. 81) || Note: { There are several words for this etymon in C: 鳩 jīu, 龜 guī, 屌 diăo, etc... Which is the exact one? } ]
ngón 'toe' [ OB mdzug-gu, O Bur. *m-yuń, Luśei zuń, Khimi mă-zuń, Maring, Phadang m-yuń, Tśangli me-yon, Maring ma-tin (p. 44) || A W. Bod. Burig źūʿ (p. 81), Central Branch Kukish *m-yuń, Kapwi -uń (p. 240) | also OB bran-mo, West Himalayish languages Thebor brań, Suntśu bran-tś, Kanauri prat-ts, Mantśati bren-ze (p. 136), Southern Branch Thado -yuń, Ralte zuń, Śiyang -zyum, Vuite zuń- (p. 247), Luhupa Branch -ma-yuń, Ukhrul yuń-, Kupome -yuń-, Kwoireng, Kabui -dźuń, Empeo dźuń- (p. 316), Hlota -ioń-, Tśungli me-yoń, Mongsen -mi-yuń (p. 318), Rengma dźoń-u (p. 320), Tśairelish Katśinish m-yuń, Kadu l-iūń (p. 410) | Also: 'finger' Karenic Geba -nõ1, Naku -no¯, Yinbaw -nou1, Taungyi -noń2, Thaton -noń3 (p. 420) || Note: { contraction of 指尖 zhǐjiān } ]
đá 'stone' [ OB rdo || A W. Bob. rdo-, Burig rdǒa (p. 80), Ladwags rdo (p. 85), Eastern dialects Amdo ʾdo (p.108) | Karenic Paku lö5, Bwe, Geba lo2, Nuku loʾ\¯ (p.420) || Note: { 石 shí, dàn } ]
cứt ‘dung, feces, excrement’ [ M shǐ 屎 tśi, OB ltśi-ba (p. 59), skyi-bskyis, Siamese kʿī\2, M. Bur. kʿye\, Dimaras kʿi, Katśin kʿyi (p.44), Burmish Bur. *kʿyi\, Lolo Ahi kʿi\, Nyi tśʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 366) | Karenic Sgaw kʾī2- (p. 421) ]
cong ‘crooked’ [ M Bur. kwań\, OB koń (p.46), Old Kukish Kuki *-koi, Luśei koi, Biate koi (p. 255), Meithlei -kʿoi- (p. 282) | Baric Dimasa goń, Garo goń-, Namsangia -kuań (p 427) ]
cắn 'bite' [ O Bur. *m-kei3, Ukhrul -mă-kei, Khadang n-ki, Khunggoi ma-ka-, kabu kai-, Maram ma-ke, Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-kei, Luśei keiʾ, Maring kă-mei, Phadang -n-ki-, Khunggoi ma-ka-, Maram ma-ke-, Kwoireng ma-ki, Kabui kai-, Khoirao n-kei-, Empeo n-ki (p. 308) | Baric Wanang, Atong kak-, Tingtikiya kań-(na), Ruga, Rabha kak-, (p. 427) Mośang kok, Namsangia kak- (p. 444) || Note: { 啃 kěn } ]
cằm 'chin' [ Luśei kʿa, Karenic *kʿa\, Pwo kʿə28-lə1, Sgaw kʿə7, Bwe kʿä2 (p. 414) | Baric Dimasa kʾu-sga, Namsangia kaʾ, Banbara ka (jaw), Tśang kau-śań (p 427) || Note: { 頷 hàn } ]
quạ 'crow' [ OB kʿwa-ta, Baric Garo, Bodo, Metś, Tipora, Dimasa, Namsangia -kʿa (p. 427) || Note: { 鴉 yā } ]
mặt 'face' [ Southern Kukish Kukish *hmai, Luśei hmai, Khimi -mai (p. 207), Central Branch Haka hmai-, Śonśe hmai, Bandźogi mai (p. 230), Kapwi mai- (p. 239), Southern Branch Thado mai, Śiyang, Vuite mai (p.246), Northern Branch Thanphum -hmai, Matupi m(ə)hūt (p. 251), Luhupa Branch Marin, Ukhrul, Phadang mai, Kupome, Khunggoi mai1, Hlota -mʿa, Tśungli, Mongsen ma (p. 310), and most of the Old Kukish languages show the articulation of either /hmai/ or /mai/ (p. 253), Meithlei mai (p. 282) | Baric Garo mik-kʿań, Bodo mă-kʿań, Metś mu-kʿań, Tipora, Dimasa mu-kʿāń (p. 427) || Note: { 面 miàn } ]
cắp 'steal' [ OB rku, Burmese kʿui\, Baric Mosang a-gu, Namsangia hu-, Angwangku ku, Tśang kok (p. 428) || Note: { 竊 qiè } ]
cánh 'wing' [ N. Assam Midźu kloń (M), Meyöl (p. 185) | Baric Garo grań, Tipora -kra (feather), Metś grań, Dimasa -gă-rań (feather), Wanang ka-rań, Mośang wu-roń, Banpara rań (p 428) || Note: { contraction of 翅膀 chíbăng } ]
sống 'live, alive, raw, green' [ OB gson || A W. Bod. xson-, Burig son (p. 78) | Bur. hrań (live, to be alive), Kukish -hriń\, Baric Bodo, Metś tʿań, Dimasa, Lalung tʿań, Garo -tʿań, gi-tiń (unripe, green), Wanang -tiń (raw), Mośań -tʿiń (unripe), Namsangia -hiń (green, raw), Thebor -siń (live), Kanauri śöń (alive, to live), Mantśti sriń (live, living), Katśinish kă-siń (raw, not ripe) (p.436) || Note: { 生 shēng } ]
xơi 'eat' [ OB dgu, M Bur. tśa\ || W. C E. Himal. lang. Khambu tśa, Kulung, Waling, Kiranti tśo, Limbu tśe (p. 146) | Baric Garo tśaʾ-5, Abeng tśa-ʾ, Dacca tśa-, Wanang sa-, Atong saʾ-, Tintikiya, Rabha sa-, Ruga si-, Kontś sa, Bodo zaʾ-, Metś dźa-, Dimasa dźi, Tipora tśa-, Lalung, Mośang sa, Tśang śsau- (pp. 436, 437) || Note: { 食 shí } ]
làng 'village' [ Baric Tśang sāń (p437) || Note: { 鄉 xiāng } ]
khói 'smoke' [ OB kʿu (NNW), M Bur. -kʿui\, Luśei -kʿu (p. 59) || Kukish *m-kʿru, Bur. -kʿui\, Diamasa -kʿu-di, Katśin -kʿru (p.44) || West Himalayish languages Bunan, Thebor kʿu (p. 132), other Bod. languages Rgyarong -kʿu (p. 120), Meithlei -kʿu (p. 280), Luhupa Branch, Holta -kʿu, Tśungli, Mongsen -kʿo-1, Khari k-ü, Maring kʿu, Ukhrul kʿut, Phadang -kʿut, Khunggoi -kʿu, Dayang -kʿu (pp. 305, 306), Burmish Bur. *kʿui\, Lolo Akha kʿo\, Nyi kʿə\, Ahi kʿö\, Ulu kʿö, Wei-ning kʿü (p. 368) | Baric Garo, Tipora, Muthun -kʿu, Dimasa -kʿu-di, Atong -kʿu-si, Mośang -kru (p. 441) || Note: { 氣 qì } ]
cú 'owl' [ V cũ 'old', M jìu 舊 gǔ\ (Chin. mordern 'old', it is interesting see the phonetic resemblance in both words.), M Bur. ku, Luśei *ku, Siamese, Lao go^ (p. 60) | Baric Garo, Bodo, Metś, Tipora, Dimasa, Namsangia -kʿudu (p. 427) || other Bod. languages Rgyarong -kʿu (p. 120) | Baric Tipora, Bodo, Metś -kʿu (p. 441) ]
mây 'cloud, fog' [ OB rmugs-pa || N. Ass. Miśing d@-muk, Yano d@-mök, Tagen d@-möʾ (p. 200), Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-mei, Luśei -mei, Maring ră-mai (p. 308), Tśairelish Tśairel mai, Kaśatsinish t?-mei (p. 391) | Kukish t?-mei, Baric Tśang sań-mei (p. 442) || Note: { 雲 yún } ]
xương 'bone' [ OB rus-pa | OT Bod. lang. Rgyarong śa-ru (E.), śarhu (H.) p. 120), || West Central and East Himalayish Bahing rö-sye, Sunwari ru-śe, Tśaurasya ru-su, Dumi sa-lu < *sa-ru, Khaling so-lo, Rodong sa-ru-wa, Karanti sa-i-ba, Waling sa-iwa, sa-rʿ-wa, Rungtśh sa-yu-ba, yu-ba, (p. 148), Karenic Paw tświ28, Sinhma, Tangthu -swi (p.423) | Baric Garo greń, Wanang, Atong, Ruga kereń, Bodo, Metś -geń, Dimasa -gereń (446) | OB rus-, Kukish r2us, Bur. ʿă-rui\, Katśin nrut (Shaffer: "No single explanation will account for all the irregularities. In the word for "bone" rus appears to be from ru-sá, primitively in a compound, as indicated by Bahing (E. Him.) rö-sye, but with the elements of the compound reversed in some of the other languages where the root has no final -s: Rgyarong śa-ru Rawang śă-rä < *-ru."), (p. 443) || Note: { 腔 qiāng } ]
cành 'branch, fork' [ M gé 格 *kāk, M Bur. kʿak (p. 72), Luhupa Branch Kukish *kāk, Luśei kāk, Zumoni -kü-ba (p. 320) | Kukish kāk, Baric Mośang -kāk, Ka. lă-ga (p. 444) ]
quạt 'fan' [ OK Kukish *yāpʾ, Luśei zāpʾ, Mikir hi-zāpʾ (p. 277) | OB -yab, Burmese yab, Kukish ʿyāp, Baric Banpara rań zep, Tśang wän yep (p. 445) ]
chí, chấy 'louse' [ OB śig || W. Himal. lang. Kukish hrig, Bunan śrig, Thebor śi, Kanauri rik (p. 135) | Baric Garo tik, Dimasa tʿi-pu, tʿi-ku, Mośang tik, Tipora mok-ol, Bodo meg-an, (p. 445) || Note: { 虱 shī, 蝨 shī } ]
mắt 'eye' [ M mù 目 muk, OB mig, M Bur. myak (myuk), Luśei mit (pp. 36-39) || Eastern dialects Khams mig (p. 112), Dwags mig (p. 115), W. Himal. lang. Kukish mik', Bunan mig, Thebor mi, Kanauri migʾ (p. 138), West Central and East Himalyish Raling, Kiranti mak, Dumi mik-, ma- (p. 153), Northern Assam Midźu miʾ (p. 181), Southern Kukish Kukish *mik', Śo miʾ (p. 220), Southern Branch Kukish *mik', Luśei mit, Thado mit, Ralte, Vuite mit-, Śiyang miţ' (p.246), Old Kukish Kuki *mik', Tśiru mik, Aimo, Purum, Langrong, Hallam mit, Hrangkhol mīń (p. 257), Mikir mek, Ukhrul mk (p. 178), Luhupa Maring mit, Ukhrul mik, Maram -mek, Kabui hmik, Empeo -mik, Hlota -mʿyek (p. 316) | Braic Garo mik-ron, Dacca muk-ruń, Wanang mək-kər, Atong mik-ren, Rabha muk-en, Ruga mul-um, Metś ʿmo-gon, Konts muk-un, Mośang, Tśangge mak, Muthun mik, Banpara mit, Mulung mit (p. 445) || Note: { cf. Viet. "conmắt"?) } ]
ngáy 'snore' [ O Bur. *m-hnār, Luśei hnār, Mara pa-hn@, E. Mikir iń-nar, Mikir iń-ńar (by assimilation) (pp. 25-27), OK Kukish *m-hnār, Luśei hnār, Mara pa-hn@ (p. 271), E. Mikir iń-nar, Miker iń-ńar (p. 277) | Bodish ńug, Kukish -ńūk, Gtsang nug, Baric Tśang ńak-(ńak) (pp. 428, 445) || Note: { 鼾 hān } ]
nai 'deer' [ Old Kukish Kuki *ŋai, Luśei sa-ŋai, Tśiru, Aimol, Purum, Kolhreng, Kom să-ŋai, Lamgang -să-ŋai (p. 253), Kukish *ńai, Meithlei să-ńai (p. 179), Luhupa Branch Maring să-ŋai, Ukhrul sa-ŋai (p. 309) Baric Dimasa mi-śai, Tipora mu-sai, Banpara mai (p. 447) || Note: { 鹿 lù } ]
trâu 'buffalo' [ Northern Assam Miśinguish Midźu tăloi (p. 182), Old Kukish Kukish *loi, Luśei loi, Meithlei i-roi (p. 282) | Burmese kywai < *klwai, Megyaw ka-lui, Siamese gwāy, Baric Banpara lui, Kaśatsinish ńa-loi (p. 447) || Note: { contraction of 水牛 shuǐníu (SV thuỷngưu) } ]
ai 'I' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *ʾei, Phadang i, Kupome ai, Khunggoi ei3 (p. 307) | Baric Garo ańa, Bodo, Metś ań < *áńa (p. 447) || Note: { 俺 ăn } ]
dày 'thick' [ OK Kukish *tʿsaʾ, Luśei tʿsaʾ, Mara tʿsa (p. 266) | Baric Namsangia -tat (fat), Angwanku dʒei, Phom dʒet (p. 448) || Note: { 厚 hòu } ]
chín 'ripe' [ Baric Namsangia tśum, Muthun, Banpara dźum, Lulung yim, Angwanku e-dźim, Tśang săm- (p. 448) || Note: { 熟 shú } ]
lấy 'take' [ Minor group Newari lā- (p.158) | Southern Kukish Khimi lau < *lo (p. 207), Southern Branch Kukish *laʾ, Luśei lākʾ, Thado laʾ, Ralte -la-, Śiyang la, Vuite -la- (p.246) || Also Luhupa Branch Kukish *lo\, Luśei lo, Maram, Kwoireng lo-, Kabui lao, Khoirao lau-, Empeo lu-, Zumomi lu-, Dayang lu, Tengima le, Tśakrima le- (p. 299), Tśairelish Katśingish lo, Kadu lu, Rawang lu (p. 404) | Baric Mośang lu (seize), Namsangia lu- (catch), (pp. 435, 441) | (Haudricourt) Daic Shan lăy, Siamese ʾtai, Lao, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi day, Sui, Mak ʔday, Bê zɔy (p. 459) || Note: { 拿 ná, Cant. /loh/} ]
bản 'village' [ also V 'buôn' | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾpān, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung, Tho bān, Ahom, Dioi ban (p. 260) ]
chết 'die' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese grak, Lao, Shan khok, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc tśok (p. 260) || Note: { 死 sǐ, also 'dead, death' } ]
đái 'urinate' [ M niào 尿 nīau\, Siamese yīyěw, Lao ńyəw_^, ńiew (p. 65) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese yīewʾ, Lao, Dioi ñiew, Ahom ñew, Shan yew, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak new (pp. 463, 464) ]
nàng 'young girl, woman' [ (young girl) (Haudricourt) Viet. 'nàng', Chin. 娘 nāń (M. niáng), Daic Siamese hñiń, Lao -ñiŋ, Ahom ñüń, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho ñiŋ (pp. 464, 473), (as woman) Daic Siamese nāŋ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung nāń (p. 464) ]
ngoài 'outside' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese naak, Lao, Shan, nɔk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc nɔʔ, Tho, Nung nɔk (p. 464) || Note: { 外 wài } ]
bông 'flower' [ OB buń, M Bur. -pwańʾ || W. C E. Himal. lang. Thulung buńʾ, Tśaurasya, Waling, Balali, Vayu buń, Rungtśh, Kiranti buń-, Limbu, Yakha pʿuń (p. 146, 147), Southern Kukish Kukish *pār, Luśei pār, Śo ba (p. 220), OK Mara p@, Tlongsai p@-, Śandu pa (p. 271), Luhupa Branch Maring, Khibu, Ukhrul pār, Khoirao pān, Empeo -pa, Tśungli -ben, Rong -bor (p. 287), Khoireng -pen (p. 324), Tśairelish Katśinish pār, Kadu pan (p. 409) | Baric Garo bal, Metś -bar, Tśutiya i-ba, Wanang par, Atong pal-wa (V 'bônghoa?), Tintikiya par, Ruga pal, Rabha par, Katśinish pan (p. 427) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese taak, Lao dɔk, Shan mɔk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc bɔʔ, Nun bɔk, Dioi doʔ (p. 468) || Note: { 葩 pā } ]
ôm 'hug' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʿʔum, Sui, Mak ʔum, Lao, Shan, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc um, Nung op (p. 468, 492) || Note: { 擁 yǒng, as in 擁抱 yǒngbào } ]
lừa 'mule' [ Burmish M. Bur. la\, Lolo Ahi lo\, Nyi la-, Lolopho lo (p. 379) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, ay Noir la, Tay Blanc, Nung ʿlɔ, Tho _lɔ (p. 468) || Note: { 驢 lǚ } ]
ngựa 'horse' [ OK Kuki *kor, Luśei -kor, Tśiru, Prum -koŕ, Aimol, Langrong, Hrangkhol -kor (p. 259) | (SV ngọ), (Haudricourt) Chin. 午 wǔ, Daic Lao səńə, Tay Blanc sańa, Dioi sa, Mak ńo (p. 471) ]
ná 'crossbow' [ SV nỏ, M nú 弩 no/, Siamese, Lao nā\1, mai2 (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Khmer sna, Daic Siamese *sna?3, Lao ʿhna, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc Tho, Nung, na, Sui nha, Cao-lan nɯ, Dioi nɯə (p. 471) ]
phải 'right side' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, khwa, Cao-lan, Dioi kwa, Sui fa, pha (p.472) ]
qua 'pass' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 過 kwa\ (M guò), Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Cao-lan, Bê kwa (p.472) ]
dưa 'melon' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 瓜 guă (M guā), Daic Siamese, Cao-lan, Mak, Bê kwa (p.472) ]
(đo)đạc 'measure' [ V 'đo' | (Haudricourt) Chin. 度 dāk (M dù), Daic Lao _thāk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi taʔ, Tho, Nung tāk, Cao-lan, Bê kwa (p.472) ]
gang 'iron core' [ (Haudricourt) Viet 'gang', Chin. 鋼 kāng (M gāng), Daic *khāŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Nung khāń, Tho qhāń, Dioi hāń, Mak kāń (p.473) ]
mõng 'thin' [ (Haudricourt) Viet 'mongmanh' (?), Daic Siamese pāŋ, Lao bāń, Ahom bāŋ, Shan māń, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung bāŋ, Sui, Mak ʔbāŋ, Bê beań (p. 473) || Note: { 單 dān } ]
rộng ‘wide’ [ M guăng 廣 kwāng/, Siamese kwāń2\ (p.46)| (Haudricourt) Chin. 廣 kwāń/, Daic Siamese ʾkwāŋ, Lao, Shan Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kwāń, Ahom kwāń, Dioi kwāńʾ (p. 474) ]
ma 'ghost' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Nung mań, Sui, Cao-lan nāń, Dioi fāń (p. 474) || Note: { 魔 mó } ]
màng 'bamboo screen' [ (Haudricourt) Viet 'mang, bań, muong' (?) (not sure what is being referred to. ) Daic Dioi rań, Sui, Mak nāń (p. 474) || Note: { 網 wăng ? } ]
mắng 'reprimand' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Lao hmāŋ, Ahom, Tay Noir māń, Dioi mań (p. 474) || Note: { 罵 mà } ]
cải ‘mustard’ [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 芥 kaiʾ < *kāts? (M jiè), Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kāt, Dioi kat, Sui qāt, Mak kāt (p. 475) ]
cần ‘pole’ [ SV 'cán' | (Haudricourt) Chin. 杆 kān (M gàn), Daic Siamese ʾkān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung kăn (p. 475) ]
than 'coal' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. thān- 炭 (M tān), Viet. than, Daic Siamese thānʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung thān, Dioi tan (p. 476) ]
bằng 'equal' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Blanc pān (p. 476) || Note: { 平 píng, 等 děng } ]
bàn 'table' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. bān- 盤 (M pán), Daic Shan ʿpān, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak pān, Dioi pan (p. 476) || Note: { 案 àn } ]
màn 'curtain' [ M màn 幔 mān\, Siamese, Lao mān\1 (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese mānʾ, Shan ʿpān, Tho, Nung mān (p. 476) ]
dạn 'brave' [ (Haudricourt) Daic *ŋhān, Siamese hān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir hān (p. 476) || Note: { 敢 găn } ]
yên 'saddle' [ M ān 鞍 ʿān-, Siamese ʿān (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'yên', Daic Siamese ʔān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak ān, Dioi an, Bê iên (p. 477) ]
ngáp ‘yawn’ [ M hā 哈, OB hă, M Bur. Ha (pp. 42-43) | (Haudricourt) Viet. ngáp, Daic *ŋāp, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung ńāp, Dioi ńap (p. 477) ]
chàm 'indigo' [ M lán 藍 lām-, OB rams, Siamese grām (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. chàm, Daic Lao khām, Shan, Nung kham (p. 260), Mak, Li lām (p. 477) ]
dám 'gall, courage' [ M dăn 膽 tăm-, Siamese, Lao tām\ (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. dám, Daic *ʔyāmʾ2, Tay Noir -yāmʾ, Tay Blanc yām (p. 478) ]
cam ‘orange’ [ (Haudricourt) Chin. kām 柑 (M gān), Daic *kām, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kām, Dioi kam (p. 477) ]
đặt 'to place' [ (Haudricourt) Daic *dăt, Lao _thăt, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tăt (p. 479) || Note: { 置 zhí } ]
cắt 'cut' [ OB btśad || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla tśa (p. 117) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi, Mak kăt, Li hăt (p. 456). Also, SV cát, Chin. kat 割 (M gé) Daic *geet, Lao khɛt, Ahom kit, Shan, Nung kɛt (pp. 496, 480) ]
ván 'board' [ SV 'biển', (Haudricourt) Viet. 'ván', Chin. pen/ 扁 (M pián), Daic Siamese ʾpeen, Lao pɛn, Ahom piñ, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blac, Nung, Tho pɛn (p. 496) || Note: { 板 băn } ]
én 'swallow' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. ʾen\ 燕 (M yàn), Daic Siamese ʔeenʾ, Lao, Tho, Nung ɛn, Mak ēn, Bê ean (p. 496) ]
hồn 'spirits' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. ,gəun 魂 (M hún), Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung khwăn, Tay Blanc qhwăn, Mak kwăn, Dioi hwen (p. 480) ]
tốt 'good' [ Old Kukish Kuki *pʿra, Luśei tʿa, Tśiru, Kom, Langang, Anal -ţʿa, Aimol, Hallam, Kolhreng -sa, Purum -ŕa, Langrong ţʿa, Biate tʿa- (pp. 261, 262) | Daic Siamese ti, Lao, Ahom di, Shan li, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi di, Tho dei, Nung dăy (p. 483) || Note: { 德 dé } ]
khép 'close the eyes' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese hlăp, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung lăp, Sui khăp (p. 466), Mak lăp, Li ńyăp (p. 482) || Note: { 合 hé } ]
cầm 'hold' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese krām, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc kăm, Nung kam, Sui ʔñăm, Mak ñăm (p. 482) || Note: { 擒 qín } ]
đâm 'stab' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. /ɗâm/, Daic Siamese tām, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc kăm, Tho, Nung tăm, Dioi tam (p. 482) || Note: { 捅 tǒng } ]
nước 'water' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾnām, Shan, Sui, Mak nam, Lao, Tho, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi, Mak năm, Nung ram, Bê nɔm, Li nom, nəm (p. 482) || Note: { 水 shuǐ } ]
gừng 'ginger [ (Haudricourt) Viet.gừng, Chin. kiang 薑 (M jiāng), Daic Siamese, Ahom khiŋ, Lao, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir khiń, Tay Blanc qhiń, Dioi hiń, Li khuəń (p. 482) ]
đây 'here' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. đây, Daic Siamese di, Lao thi, Ahom, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi ti, Mak day (p. 484) || Note: { 此 cǐ } ]
này 'this' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. này, Daic Siamese ʾni, Lao Ahom, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc ni, Dioi nayʾ, Mak nay (p. 484) || Note: { 這 zhè, zhèi } ]
chịu 'endure' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. chịu, Chin. ʿźiəu 受 (M shòu), Daic *dźiw, Lao, Tay Blanc tśiu, Tay Noir, Nung -'tśiu (p. 487) ]
guốc 'sabot' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Tho, Dioi kip, Wou-ming klip, Sui ʔdyāp, Mak zip, Bê zyap, Li lap (p. 487) ]
xếp 'to fold' [ M dié 疊 dep, OB ldeb-pa, Siamese d@p | OB lteb-, Eastern dialects Amdo hteb- (p. 108) | M zhé 摺 tśīp, Siamese, Lao tśīp_ (p.67) | also (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chiếp' (?), Daic Siamese, Lao tśip, Mak sip (p. 487) ]
bít 'to clog' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Tay Blanc, Tho, Dioi ɓit, Nung bet, Bê mɯt (p. 486) || Note: { 閉 bì } ]
đất 'earth' [ Luhupa Branch *k-m-deʾ, Kwoirng kă-d-di, Kabui kă-n-di, Khoirao n-dʿa, Empeo go-dei (p. 307) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tin, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc din, Li den, Shan lin (p. 259), Tho, Nung ɗin (p. 486) || Note: { 土 tǔ (soil), 地 dì (earth), 田 tián (land) } ]
độc ‘poisson' [ M dú 毒 duok, M Bur. tok (p. 51), OB drug, dug (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ttuk, Lao, Tay noir, Tho ɗuk (p. 486) ]
vũng 'pool' [ (Haudricourt) Daic *puŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho ɓuń, Ahom ɓuŋ, Tay Blanc buń (p. 489) || Note: 汪 wàng } ]
muống 'water spinach' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾpuŋ, Lao, Nung, Tho ɓuń,Tay Blanc buń, Mak muń (p. 489) || Note: { 蓊 wēng as in 蓊菜 wēngcài 'raumuống' } ]
đũa 'chopsticks' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. d'ịʷo\ 箸(M zhú), Daic Siamese thu', Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Blanc thu (p. 488) ]
quen 'familiar' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. kʷan' 慣 (M guàn, SV quán), Daic Siamese gǔn, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung kun (p. 491) ]
sửng 'lofty' [ as in 'sừngsững' (Haudricourt) Chin. suń- 嵩 (M sōng), Daic *ñuŋ, Siamese, Ahom suŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho suń (p. 490) ]
dứt 'finish' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Tay Blanc sut, Shan shut, Dioi sat (p. 490) || Note: { 止 zhǐ } ]
vịt 'duck' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. vịt, Daic Dioi pit, Mak bit (p. 493) || Note: { 鴨 yā } ]
tai 'ear' [ M dā 耷 tāp (big ear), Siamese, Lao tūp_ (pendant ears) (p. 71) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc hu, Tho su, Nung khyu, Cao-lan lɯ Sui qha, Mak tśha, Bê sa, Li say (p. 488) ]
trẻ 'children' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese těk, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay blanc, Tho ɗek (p. 492) || Note: { 稚 zhì } ]
sắt 'iron' [ OB ltśags || A W. Bod. Sbalti ltśak, Burig stśaK- (p. 80), Northern Assam Meyöl tśāk (p. 179) | SV thiết, (Haudricourt) Chin. thet 鐵 (M tiě), Daic Siamese hltěk, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung lek, Sui śet, Sek mliek (p. 492) ]
xe 'carriage' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Tay Noir, Tho, Nung sɛ, , Tay Blanc tshɛ, Dioi śie (p. 494) || Note: { 車 chē } ]
(bồng)bế 'carry' [ N. Ass. Midźu ba (N),Taying ba (N) (p. 186), E. Nyising bü (p. 194) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese peek, Lao ɓɛk, Shan mɛk, Tay Noir, Tay Blac ɓɛʔ, Tho bɛk (p. 494) || Note: { 抱 bāo, Hainanese /boŋ/ } ]
đỏ 'red' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese teeŋ, Lao, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak ɗɛń, Ahom, Dioi diń, Shan leń, Li tlɛń (p. 495) || Note: { 彤 tóng } ]
bánh 'cake, pastry' [ M bǐng 餅 pīń/, Siamese pēń\2 (meal, flour), Lao pēń\ (cake, bread) (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Viet. bánh, Daic Siamese ʾpeeŋ, Lao pɛń, Ahom piŋ, Shan, Tho, Nung pɛń, Mak văń, Bê ɓiń (p. 495) ]
sáng 'distinct, bright' [ OB gsal-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti xsal- (p. 78) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese seeŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc sɛń, Ahom siŋ, Shan shɛń (p. 495) || Note: {亮 liàng } ]
thêm ‘add’ [ M tiān 添 tʿem_, Siamese, Lao tʿem2/ (p.45) | (Haudricourt) Chin ʿthem-, Daic Siamese theem, Lao, Tho, Nung, Dioi tem (p. 497) ]
chèo ‘row’ [ (Haudricourt) Chin. dʿău\ 棹 (M zhuó), Viet. chèo, Daic Siamese tśew, Lao, Tay Blanc. Tho _tśew (p. 497) ]
mèo 'cat' [ M māo 貓 mịau-, Siamese, Lao měw (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Chin mău-, Viet. meo, Daic Siamese meew, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, mɛw, Dioi mew (p. 497) ]
rồi 'already, finished' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. liau/ 了 (M liăo) , Daic Siamese ʾleew, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho, Mak lew (pp. 497, 498) ]
thêu 'embroid' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. thêu, Daic Lao sewʾ, Shan shew, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi sew (pp. 497, 498) || Notes: 繡 xīu } ]
eo 'waist, loins, middle part' [ M yāo 腰 ịau-, Siamese ěw, Lao ěw/ (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʔeew, Lao, Tay Blanc ɛw (pp. 497, 498) ]
giấy 'paper' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. thêu, Daic *ʿtśīye, Lao tśīye, Shan shew, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi sew (p. 498) || Note: { 紙 zhǐ } ]
thiếc 'tin' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. thiếc, Chin. sek 錫 (M xì), Daic *ʿthrīyek, Lao hiek, Shan hêk, Tay Blanc heʔ, Tho thiek, Nung sek, Mak sik, Bê tek, Cao Lan lek, Dioi rieʔ (p. 498) ]
giêng 'first month' [ M zhèng 正 śīń, Lao tśyəń (tśień) (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Viet. giêng, Chin. tśiń-, Daic *tśīyeń, Lao tśīeń, Shan seŋ, Tay Noir, Tho tśieŋ, Tay Blanc tśeŋ, Dioi śień, Mak śīń (p. 499) || Note: { 元 yuán } ]
nếp 'glutinous rice' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. nếp, Chin. nuaʾ 糯 (M nuò), Siamese ʾhnīyew, Lao, Nung niew, Tay Blanc .new, Tho niw, Bê năw (p. 501) ]
méo 'slant' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾpīyew, Lao, Nung, Tay Noir biew, Shan mew, Tay Blanc bew, Tho biw (p. 501) || Note: { 偏 biān } ]
bò ‘cow’ [ OB ba, OB E. *bik || A W. Bod. Burig bā (p. 83), Groma, Śarpa bo (calf), Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad ba (p. 93), Central Bodish Lagate pa-, Spiti, Gtsang, Dbus, Ãba bʿa, Mnyamslad, Dźad pa (p. 98), other Bod. languages Rgyarong (ki)-bri, -bru (p. 120), modern Bod. dialects New Mantśati (bullock), Tśamba Lahuli (ox) bań, Rangloi bań-ƫa (bullock) (p. 130) || also Chin. 牝 byi/ (Chin. cow, female of animal), OB ãbri-mo (tame female yak) (p. 59), Minor group Toţo pik-(a), Dimal pi-(a) (p. 187), Southern Branch Kukish *b@ń, Luśei b@ń, Thado boń, Vuite -b@ń- (p. 250), E. Himalayish bʿi, Khambu pi', Lohorong, Yakhha pik (p. 330) | for 'buffalo': Luśei pă-na, Khami *mă-na, Karenic *-na-, Karenni pæ2-nä2, Pwo pə1-na6, Sgaw pə2-nə8, Bwe pa-nä2 (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Chin. ńǔ- 牛 (M níu), Siamese ŋwă, Lao, Tay Noir ńuo, Shan, Tay Blanc ńo, Tho, Nung mɔ, Sui mo, Mak pho (p. 501) ]
đỗ 'bean' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. duʾ\ 荳 (M dòu), Siamese thwăʾ, Lao thuo, Ahom thu, Shan tho, Tay Noir thuo, Tay Blanc tho, Nung thu, Dioi tuo, Sui thăw, Li thaw (p. 502) ]
mờ, mù 'obscured' [ M méng 朦 moń-, Ob rmońs (p. 70) || (Haudricourt) Viet. mù, Siamese mwă, Lao muo, Tay Noir mo (p. 502) ]
cuốc 'dig a hole, hoe' [ M chú 鋤 ɖʐǒ- (to hoe, excavate), Luśei tśo (Dimasa dźao) (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Viet. cuốc, *kw@k, Tay Noir kuoʔ, Tho, Nung, Bê kuok, Sui kwak, Mak kūk, Li thaw (p. 502) ]
điếc 'deaf' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. điếc, Siamese hnw@k, Lao, Tho, Nung nuok, Ahom, Dioi nuk, Shan nôk, Tay Noir nuoʔ, Tay Blanc noʔ, Mak ʔdāk, Bê mok (p. 502) ]
lớn 'great, large, grand' [ S. K. *lian, Śo len (p. 222), Kapwi -lin (p. 39), Old Kukish Kukish *lian, Luśei lian, Mara lai, Tlongsai lai-pa, Sabeu -lai (p. 271) | (Haudricourt) Siamese hlw@ŋ, Lao, Tay Blanc, Nung luoń, Ahom luŋ, Tay Noir, Tho loń (p. 503) || Note: { 輪 lún } ]
vườn 'garden' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese sw@n, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho suon, Ahom, Nung sun, Shan shon, Tay Blanc son, Cao-lan lun, Dioi suən (p. 503) || Notes { 園 yuán } ]
mướp 'luffa, loofa, dish-cloth gourd' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. mướp, Siamese pw@p, Shan mop, Tay Blanc ɓop (p. 503) ]
cũng 'also' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese k@, Lao kɔ, Shan, Tay Noir, Ahom ko (p. 507) || Note { 共 gòng } ]
đố 'to bet' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'đổ', Siamese t@@ʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi to (p. 507) || Note: { 賭 dǔ } ]
bố 'father' [ M fù 父 bū/ ('father, elderly relatives of the same surname, old man'), M Bur. bʿui\, Luśei pu (p. 60) | (Haudricourt) Siamese b@@ʾ, Lao phɔ, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho pɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi po (p. 507) ]
mô 'shaman' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 巫 mū- (M wū), Siamese hm@@, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho mɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi mo (p. 508) ]
ngấc 'raise one's head' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese ń@@k, Lao ńɔk, Ahom ŋwak, Shan ńôk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc ńɔʔ (p. 508) || Note: { 仰 yăng } ]
bọc ‘to envelop’ [ (Haudricourt) Siamese p@@k, Lao, Tho, Nung pɔk, Ahom pwak, Shan pôk, Tay Blanc pɔʔ (p. 508) || Note: { 抱 bào } ]
bóc ‘flay, peel’ [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 剝 p@k (M bò) | Siamese b@@k, Ahom pwak, Shan pôk, Tho pɔʔ, Nung pɔ (p. 508) ]
sóc ‘squirrel’ [ (Haudricourt) Viet. sóc, Siamese kar@@k, Lao, Tho, Nung lɔk, Ahom lwak, Shan lôk, Tay Blanc lɔʔ (p. 508) || Note: { 鼠 shǔ, see 'chuột' } ]
chuột 'rat, mouse' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish **b-yu\, Luśei zu, Maring yu-, Phalang ma-su3, Kipome ma-dźeu, Kwoireng tă-dźa, Empeo -zu (p. 305) | Baric Namsangia dźu-pu, Banpara źu, zu, yu (p. 428) | (Haudricourt) Chin ʾtsǐ 子 (M zǐ), 'Year of the Rat' Lao, Tay Blanc ʾtśəɯ, Dioi śaw (pp. 524, 525) || Note: { 鼠 shǔ, see 'sóc' } ]
chọn 'choose' [ (Haudricourt) *xr@@ŋ, Siamese k@@ŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Shan khɔń, Ahom khwraŋ, Tay Blanc qhɔń (p. 509) || Note: { 選 xuăn } ]
lõng 'liquid' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'lõng', Siamese l@@ŋʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Shan lɔń, Ahom lwaŋ, Tay Blanc qhɔń (p. 510) ]
phổi 'lung' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 肺 pịʷɐiʾ (per H. ancient final for this sound is -ts), (M fèi),Viet. 'phổi', Siamese p@@t, Lao, Tay Blanc, Shan pɔt, Dioi pət (p. 510) ]
nằm 'lie down' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese n@@n, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan nɔn, Dioi non, Ahom nwan, Muk nun (p. 511) || Note: { 躺 táng } ]
muộn 'late' [ (Haudricourt) *m@@n, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan, Tho mɔn, Ahom mun (p. 511) || Notes: 晚 wăn } ]
run 'tremble' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese y@@n, Tay Blanc, Shan yɔn, Ahom ywan (p. 511) || Note: { 顫 chàn } ]
đáp 'reply' [ (Haudricourt) 答 tāp (M dá), Siamese t@@p, Lao, Shan, Nung tɔp (p. 511) ]
nhuộm 'dye' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 染 ńīm (M răn), Viet. 'nhuộm', *ñ@@m, Siamese ʾy@@m, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan, Tho, Nung ñɔm, Ahom sük, Dioi num, Bé niem, Sui ʔyăm (p. 512) ]
dòm 'stare' [ Viet. also 'nhòm', (Haudricourt) Tay Noir, Nung, Dioi yɔm, Tho, Tay Blanc ñɔm (p. 512) || Note: { 望 wàng } ]
núi 'mountain' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'núi', Lao dɔy, Shan lɔy, Ahom dway, Dioi ɗɔy (p. 512) || Notes { 山 shān, Hainanese /twɔa/, like French toi } ]
chữ 'letters' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 字 dzǐ\, dʒi (M zì), Siamese sǐ, Lao, Tay Noir sɯ, Tho tsɯ, Dioi sɯ (p. 513) ]
giặc 'enemy' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'tặc', Chin. 賊 dzək (M zéi), Siamese sǐk, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Tho sək, Shan shuk, Nung śək, Dioi śak(p. 514) ]
khuya ‘night’ [ M yè 夜 ịă\, M Bur. N-nyă, Kukish *ń-ya (pp. 42-43), Luhupa Branch Tśamphung ńă-yu- (p. 301) | (Haudricourt) *ɣǐn, Siamese gǐn, Lao, Tho khun, Shan khɯn, Tay Blanc qhɯn, Nung khən, Dioi hen (p. 514) ]
mầy 'you' [ (Haudricourt), Viet. 'mầy, mà', Siamese mǐń, Lao, Tay Noir muŋ, Tay Blanc mɯ, Dioi muń (p. 514) | Li (1) mɯ, Ahom maü, Shan, Tho, Li (2) məɯ (p. 525)|| Note: { 爾 ěr, nǐ, 你 nǐ, also 'mi' } ]
chì 'lead' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chì', Siamese dzǐn, Lao, Shan sɯn, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir tsɯm, Nung tśɯn, Dioi śen (p. 514) || Note: { 鉛 qiān, yán } ]
cà 'aubergine' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'cà', Chin. 茄 gă- (M qié), Siamese khǐe, Lao khɯə, Shan, Tay Blanc khə, Dioi _kuə, Mak kə (p. 515) ]
lựa 'choose' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese liek, Lao luek, Ahom lük, Shan lək, Tay Noir lɯəʔ, Tay Blanc ləʔ, Tho, Nung luək, Bê leak (pp. 465, 516) || Note: { 擇 zé } ]
mương 'canal' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'mương', Daic Siamese mǐeŋ, Lao,Tay Blanc, Nung, Dioi muəń, Tho məń (p. 517) || Note: { 垸 yuàn } ]
trái ‘fruit’ [ OB se-, Chin. (Shafer ?), Katśin si, M Bur. –si\, Kukish *tʿei\, Dimasa tʿai, Luśei tʿei (p. 52) || Southern Kukish Kukish *tʿei, Khimi -tʿai (p. 207), Śo te (p. 218), Minor groups Newari se, si, Old Kukish Kukish *tʿei\, Luśei tʿei\, Mikir tʿe (p. 276), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul tʿei, Phadang tʿi, Tśamphung -tʿai, Kupome tʿai, Khunggoi tʿai-, C. and N. Luhupa -tʿai, Zumomi, Dayang -tʿi (pp. 289, 308, Tśairelish Katśingish tʿei, Rawang -śi (p. 404) | Baric Garo -tʿe, Bodo, Metś, Dimasa, Tipora -tʿai, Tsutiya tśi-ti, Wanang tʿəi, Atong taiʾ (p. 436) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'trái', Daic Siamese dźāy, Lao, Shan sāy, Tay Blanc, Ahom, Tho tśāy, Sui săy (p. 518) || Note: { 實 shí, as in 結實 jiéshí (VS kếttrái) 'bear fruits' } ]
vải 'cotton, textile' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese vāyʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc fāy, Shan fe, Nung, Wuming phāy, Dioi way, Mak wāy (pp. 463, 518) || Note: { 布 bù } ]
gà 'chicken' [ (Haudricourt) 雞 kăi- (M jī), Viet. 'gà', Siamese kwai, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc kwăy, Laqua khay, Lati ka (p. 520) ]
thang 'ladder' [ Baric Namsangia hi-tʿo, Banpara tśi-tuń (p. 446) | (Haudricourt) 梯 thăi (M tī), *tai, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Nung ɗăy, Be lei, Sui ke, Mak tśe (p. 520) ]
thay 'substitute' [ Viet. also 'thế' | (Haudricourt) 替 thăi\ (M tì), Siamese thaiʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc, Nung thăy, Ahom thay, Dioi ʾti (p. 520) ]
túi 'pack' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese daiʾ, Lao thăyTay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tăy, Mak thāy (p. 520) || Note: { 兜 dòu } ]
vảy 'scales' [(Haudricourt) Viet. 'vảy', Siamese ʾhwai, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc văy (p. 521) || Note: { 皮 pí?, also 'vây' 翼 yì } ]
vái 'pray' [ Viet. also 'bái, lạy' | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'vái', Siamese ʾhwai, Lao, Shan văy, Ahom băy (p. 521) || Note: { 拜 bài } ]
ngó 'look' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'ngoi' (?), Khmer nǐey, Siamese ŋey1, Shan, Tho ńoy (pp. 521, 522) || Note: { 瞧 qiáo } ]
vào 'enter' [ also V vô, Chin. ? (absent in Shafer's list), OB hońs, M Bur. wań (enter), Luśei *wań (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Daic *xau, Siamese ʾkhau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Sha, Tho, Nung khăw, Ahom khaw, Caolan qhăw, Dioi hăw, Bê (law) (p. 522) || Note: { 入 rù } ]
cũ 'old' [ (Haudricourt) K. gịəuʾ, S. gǔ\ 舊 (M jìu), Siamese kauʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Shan, Tho, Nung, Dioi kăw, Ahom kaw, Bê kaw (p. 522) ]
chúa 'master' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 主 tśu (M zhǔ), Viet. 'chúa', Siamese ʾtśau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Ahom, Tho, Nung, tśaw, Shan, Dioi săw (p. 522) || Note: { Also Viet. 'chủ' } ]
sớm 'early' [ M zăo 早 tsau/, M Bur. tso | (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾdżau, Lao săw, Nung, Dioi śaw, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tśăw, Shan săw (p. 522) ]
rượu 'spirits, liquor' [ M yǒu 酉 ịǔ/, OB yu (Thebor), Luśei -zu (p. 63) | M lăo 醪 lau-, M Bur. lo-dźa Siamese lo\1, Lao hlo\ (all fermented liquors, wine, alcohol) (p. 59) | (Haudricourt) Chin. 酒 tśịəu/tsǔ/ (M jǐu), Viet. 'rượu', Siamese ʾhlau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Shan, Dioi lăw, Sui lhaw, haw, (p. 523) ]
xài 'use' [ (Haudricourt) Saimese ʾdźaǐ, Lao səɯ, Ahom tśaü, Shan səɯ, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc tśəɯ (p. 524) || Note: { 消 xiāo } ]
keo 'glue' [ M jiāo 膠 kăo-, M Bur. ko, Siamese, Lao kāw (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'keo', Chin. kău/ 膠 (M jiāo), Siamese, Lao, Tay Blanc kāw, Shan kɔ, Nung kyaw (pp. 523, 524) ]
sao 'star' [ S. Br. Kukish *ɣār, Luśei ār-śi, Thado, Śiyang a-śi (p. 249), Old Kukish Kuki *ɣār, Tśiru āŕ-śi , Aimol ār-śi (p. 256), Luhupa Branch Maring sor-, Ukhrul sir-, Phadang sār-, Kupome su, C. and N. Luhupa să-, Maram să-gai, Rong să-hór (p. 324) | (Haudricourt) Siamese tāw, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho ɗāw, Ahom ɗaw, Shan lāw, Nung, Dioi taw, Li drāw (pp. 523, 524) || Note: { 星 xīng } ]
dao 'knife' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'dao', Chin. tao- 刀 (M dāo), Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tāw, Dioi taw (pp. 523, 524) ]
dài 'long' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir yāw, Lao ñāw, (p. 524) || Note: { 長 cháng } ]
heo 'pig' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. ʿgâi 亥 (M hài), 'Year of the Boar' Lao ʾ_kəɯ, Tay Blanc kəɯ, Dioi kaw, Mak həy (pp. 524, 525) || Note: { cf. 'lợn' 豘 tún or 豚 tún } ]
mới 'new' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾmaǐ, Lao ʾ_kəɯ, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung məɯ, Tay Noir .məɯʾ, Dioi mo, Mak măy (p. 525) || Note: { Viet. 'mới' < Proto-Austro-Asiatic: pɤj,, Proto-Vietic: *bʔǝ:jʔ, Proto-Aslian: *pa:j, Proto-Vietmuong: *bʔǝ:jʔ, Tum: bǝɨj.212. } ]
dưới 'under' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'dưới', Chin. tăi/ 底 (M dǐ), Siamese ʾtaǐ, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir təɯ, Ahom taü, Dioi taɯ, Li thəɯ (p. 525) | OK Kuki *tʿaui, Luśei tʿaui-a, Tśiru tʿ@ị, Aimol tʿoy-a2, Purum -tʿūy-a, Hallam tʿoy-a (p. 253) || Note: { V 'đáy' (bottom) } ]
kề 'next to' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese laǐ, Lao, Shan kəɯ, Ahom kaw, Tay Blanc tśhəɯ, Tho śəɯ, Nung kyəɯ, Caolan khay, Dioi kyaɯ, Wuming klaɯ, Sui, Mak phyăy, Bê le, Li (p)ləɯ (pp. 524, 525) || Note: { 切 qiè } ]

Everything appears to be in order with the undeniable ST and VS affiliation. So, what is the problem with the above list for many MK warriors? The list, of course, in any measure, is inexhausive, though, as some items have been omitted for their etymological complexity. Given that cross-language etymologies in ST linguistic family have actually changed beyond recognition as compared with C forms, the list has provided us with more than enough materials to verify their interrelationship and establish genetic, or at least etymological, roots. However, the fact that we are still facing the same issues that all those tentative cognates seem to have spread out in many different ST languages, similar to what we have seen in the MK scenario, and for the same reason, just like Thai loans, or even those of V, existing in the MK languages. In addition, it appears that numerous solid Daic and C cognates turn out to be C loanwords in V since their articulations are so similar that there is no doubt that they have been recent loanwords from C.

In fact, unlike those basic lexicons in Luce's listings, Shafer's list provides us with much richer resources of complex ST etymological layers of which every etymon happens to map nicely into a V correspondent, phonologicically and semantically, and obviously they are cognate. We could certainly further enrich the list with all other results of latest ST research if available and use those data to verify a wider range of lexicons against those etyma elaborated by MK camp, starting with those overlapping cognates in both ST and MK languages to clarify where they originated from.

We shall attempt to do so in the next sections and further continue to explore those hardcore issues which have been always hinderances in relating the V genetic affiliation with either MK or ST languages. In any cases, the above list will certainly entice us to stay firm with the ST affiliation while other basic items such as counting numbers from one to five in MK languages will always puzzle us as before until a satisfactory explanation is secured.

B) Issues in cognates of numerals

It is undeniable that there exist issues in substantiating phonological connections between the C and V numerals. In fact, those listed forms that appear in major ST languages, or at least in C, do not show persuasively uniform patterns of sound change for the whole numeral set from 1 to 10. Numeral counting in V from 1 to 5 (i.e., một, hai, ba, bốn, năm) are pretty similar to those numbers spreading out in the Mon-Khmer languages, e.g., in modern Khmer, mùəy, pì:(r), bɤy, buən, pram, respectively. Their phonologically similar forms show that they are cognate. For the dissimilar case of numeral 2, let's reckon that in historical linguistics, sometimes genetically-related languages are proved to share as few as 2 numerals as cognates, usually two consecutive numbers, especially 1 and 2, probably originated from "2 hands", a binary system. Interestingly, the fact that two-consecutive numeral similarities show in both V and other ST languages also appears to be true for the same matter, which makes it a complete binary 5-digit numeral system. Whether it is true or not, one cannot solely base on the similarity in counting systems to draw definite conclusion in genetic relation as cross-borrowing phenomenon of basic words is common, e.g., numerals in modern Burmese being a good case demonstrating such divergence. There is no linguistc law to prevent us from believing so.

For those in all ST languages, let's review some etyma of what we found with their numerals in Shafer's list as follows:

1 to 10 [ OB g-tśig 1, g-nyis 2, g-sum 3, b-źi 4, l-ńa < *b-l-ńa 5, d-rug 6, b-dun 7, b-rgyad 8, d-gu 9, b-tśu 10 ] (Shafer, pp. 21-23, 29-33, 37, 41, 56)
1 một [ M yī 一 ʾit, M Bur. ʾatś, Siamese ʾět_3 || Note { SV /ɲɐt/ } ]
2 hai [ M èr 二 nyi\, O Bur. *k-in-hnis, M Bur. hnatś, Luśei hniʾ, Kapwi ka-ni, Aimol ăn-ni, Purum ă-ni, Kom ǐ-hni, Anal ă-hni, Śo hni\, Yawdwin, Tśinbok hni, S. Khami ni, Maram hań-na, Kabui (Si) kă-hnai, Kabui (Mc) kă-nai, Khoirao (Mc) hań-nai, Sopvama ka-hē, Śongge a-nai, Siamese yī\1, Lao nī_ || Note { SV /ɲej/} ]
3 ba [ M sān 三 sām, O Bur. *k-in-tʿum\, S. Khami tʿuń, Ukhrul, Khoirao kʿă-tʿum, Phadang, Kupome, Khunggoi ka-tʿum, Rengma ke-śan, Tengima, Kehena se, Kwoireng sam, Chin sām-, Siamese sām/ || Note { SV /tam/, Hainanese /ta/ } ]
4 bốn [ M sī 四 si\, OB bźi < *bźli, Siamese sī_1, M Bur. le\, Luśei li || Archaic West Bodish dialects Sbalti bźi, Burig zbźi (p. 78), West Himalayish languages Kanauri pö, Buman, Themor, Mantśati, Almora pi, Jangali pari (p. 134), West Central and East Himal. Dumi bʿyal, Khaling bʿal, Rai bʿalu, Thulung bli (p. 152) || Shafer: The only indication of primitive prefix b- being preserved are in the word "four" in certain dialects: Thulung bli, Tśaurasya pʿi, Dumi bʿyal, Khaling bʿal Rai bʿalu compared with OB bźi < *bźli. (p. 157) while in Northern Assam Taying kă-prei, Midu ka-pi having the ka- prefixes which are preserved from a Kukish *k- ancient prefix that has been lost in other Tibeto-Burmic languages due to the following consonantal complex. (p. 186). Other N. Ass. languages: Kukish b-n-d'li\, Miśing, Abor a-pi, Yano, C. Nyising a-pli, E. Nyising a-pl, Apa Tanang pulyi (p. 193), Old Kukish Lamgang, Anal p-il-li (p. 252), Mara, Tlongsai, Sabeu -pali (p. 267), Luhupha Branch Kukish *b-n-dʿli\, Tśungli pezo, Longla pʿé-zé, Monsen 'pʿé-li, Khari pa-li, Tśangki pʿé-li, Tengsa pʿa-l4, Rong fă-li, Hlota mě-zú (p. 304), Dayang, Zumomi bi-di, Keźma pedi, Imenai pa-di (p. 305), Tśairelish, Andro pi-, Sak pri, Kadu pi- (p. 396), Melam a-bli, Khanang ă-bri, Meklam -bə-li (p. 400) | Baric Garo bri, Atong bǐ-ri, Ruga -bri, Tipora brui, Bodo broi, Metś bre, Dimasa biri, Mośang băli, Namsangia běli (p. 441) || Note { SV /tɪ/ } ]
5 năm [ M wǔ 五 *ńo/ < *ńa ~ OB lńa < ST *p-l-ńa, Bahing, Tableng ńa, Burmese na\, Luśei ńa\, Dwags liańe, Anal pă-ńa, Purum, Kohlreng, Kom ră-ńa, Lamgang pă-ră-ńa, Abor pǐ-la-ńǒ, Needham p-l-ń@, Siamese hā\ || Southern Bodish Lhoskad, Śarpa ńa (p. 91), Eastern dialects Khams lńa (p. 111), Dwags liańe (p. 115), other Bod. languages Tsangla ńa (p. 117), Gurung, Murmi, Thaksya ńa (p. 123), W. Himal. lang. Bunan, Themor ńa-1, Almora ńa-ii (p.134), Minor group Dhimal na (p. 166), OK Mara -pəna¯ (p. 267) | Baric Garo, Awe bri, Abeng biri, Bodo broi, Metś -bre, Dimasa biri, Hojai -bri, Wanang bri, Atong bǐ ri, bərəi, Ruga -bri (p. 428) ]
6 sáu [ M līu 六 luk, O Bur. *t-r1uk, M Bur. kʿ-rok, Kukish *t-r2-uk, Luśei ruk, Mara tśa-ru, Tlongsai tśa-ru (=8?), Maram să-ŕuk, Kwoireng tśă-ruk, Empeo (S) su-ruk, Tengima sǔ-ru, Kehena sě-r@, Chin. luk (the initial *r- < Ch. l-) (p. 32), Old Kukish Sabeu -tśa-ru, Miram -tsə-ŕu(ʾ)-, Lailenpi -tsəŕuʾ\, Lothu tsər(v)ị\ (p. 268), Meithlei tă-ruk (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Rengma se-ŕo, Keźma sa-ŕ, Imemai tśo-ro, Zumomi tso-ɣa, Dayang tsu-gwo, Tśakrima su-ru (p. 298), Tengima su-ru, also Zumomi so-ɣoʿ (p. 320) | Shafer: If the occlusive of *t- prefix had come into direct contact with the r in the Kukish and proto-Chinese words for 'six', as its phonetic correspondent d- does in Old Bodish drug 'six', we should have had Luśei ţuk instead of the ruk we find and perhaps Chin. t'uk instead of luk. (p.32) | Karenic Pwo tśu38, Sinhma sot, Thangthu sʿu (p. 423) || (Haudricourt) Daic *tśr@k, Siamese h@k, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay Blanc, Nung hok, Tho sok, Dioi rok, Sui lyok, Mak, Bê lok (p. 504) || Note: { SV /lukw/} ]
7 bảy [ M qī 七 tśʿit, Kharao tśă-ri, Siamese tśěţ_3 || A W. Bod. Sbalti bdun, Burig ŕdun (p. 78) || Note: { SV /t'ɐt/} ]
8 tám [ M bā 八 pat, O Bur. *t-r1iat, Luśei rat, M Bur. hratś, Tarao ti-rit6, Langang tǐ-ret, Amal tă-rik, Tlongsai tśa-ru (=6?), S. and N. Khaimi tă-ya, Hlota ti-za, Tśungli ti10 || A W. Bod. Sbalti bgyad, Burig ŕgyad, -pgyad, -bgyad (p. 78), W. Himal. lang. Kukish t-rkyat?, Almora dźyad (p. 136), Norther Branch *tə-ryat, Matupi -Xŗēt (p. 251), OK Kukish *t-r1iat, Meithlei tă-rēt (p. 284) | Baric Garo, Abeng, Wanang tśet, Atong tśat- Ruga -tśet, Tipora tśsa, Bodo źat, Mets dźat, Dimosa, Hojai dźa, Mośang tă-tśat, Sangge ta-tśat, Mulung tʿutʿ, Angwanku tat, Tśang sat (pp. 437, 438) || Note: { SV /ɓat/} ]
9 chín [ M jǐu 九 kǔ/, O Bur. *t-kua, M Bur. kui\, Siamese ko\2, Luśei kua, Mara tśa-ki, Urkhrul tśǐ-ko, Phadang tśǐ-ku | Baric Garo sku, Wanang dźu, Atong tśiku, Ruga -sku, Tipora tśuku, Bodo sʿko, Metś sku (p. 441) || Note { SV /kɪw/ } ]
10 mười [ M shí 十 || A W. Bod. Sbalti pʿtśu, Burig śtśu (p. 78) || Note: { SV /t'ɐp/, VS /tśukw/ } ]
20 hăm [ Baric Muthun tśa, Angwanku ta, Tśang ha (p. 438) ]
100 trăm 'hundred' [ OB brgya, M Bur. -rya ( Bur.) || Other Bod. languages: Gurung, Thaksya bʿra (p. 123) || Note: { VS /ʈam/ } ]

and note the comments made by Shafer:

We may have traces of other labial prefixes in the Karenic words for 'four' and 'seven' both of which have 'infixed' w which is not found in other Sino-Tibetan languages. But a b- prefix found in both these words in Old Bodish. Consequently we may legitimately inquire whether there is not some connection between the infixed w in these words in Karenic and the b- prefix in Old Bodish.

From Old Bodish bźi four, Dwags pli, Gurung bʿli, vli, etc. I have tentatively reconstructed Bodish bźli and from the Kurkish languages the Kurkish reconstruction *b-n-d'li\. Actually I can only say that the prefix in this word was a labial which differed from *m- and *p- prefixes. It may have been *v- and *w-, and the Karenic form, let us say *vli, the prefix dropping in Pwo and Bräʾ li and through metathesis becoming lwi in Sgaw and in most of other Karenic languages.

A more daring suggestion to account for O. B. bdun 'seven' — in most other Tibeto-Burmic languages *s-Nis, but *nwi in Karenic -- is that the form for 'seven' something like *sibdunis which with an accent *sibdúnis became O. B. *bdun. The combination sbd cannot occur in Old Bodish, and when some phoneme had to give way in Old Bodish it seems to have been the first: ST *m-lt'ei tongue, O. B. ltśe, ST *p-l-ŋa O. B. lŋa. But when the accent was *sibdunís, we may infer the development *sibunís > *siwunís >* sinwis Karenic *nwi and the *sibdunís — *sunís > *s-Nis in the majority of Tibeto-Burmic languages. Metathesis has frequently preserved consonants that otherwise would have dropped, as is particularly clear in Bodish dialects, and we may infer a similar preservation in these words in Karenic.

For our purpose, despite of all the difficulties unsettled with the ST numeric forms -- b-, w-, m-, etc. as noted above -- which are challenged by the MK 1-5 cognates, the fact that the MK numerals overall are based on the system of five and in both Old and Modern Khmer there exist portions of populated loans from Thai counting system, namely, 10 dɔp (cf. SV 'thập' ~ VS 'chục'), 30 sa:msɤp (cf. SV tamthập, VS bacục), 40 saesɤp (cf. SV tứthập, VS bốnchục), 50 ha:sɤp (cf. SV ngũthập, VS nămchục), 60 hoksɤp (cf. SV lụcthập, VS sáuchục), 70 cɤtsɤp (cf. SV thấtthập, VS bảychục), 80 paetsɤp (cf. SV bátthập, VS támchục), 90 kausɤp (cf. SV cửuthập, VS chínchục), 100 (cf. SV bách, VS trăm), 1000 (cf. SV thiên, VS ngàn, 10000 mɤ:n (cf. SV vạn ~ VS muôn), which in turn certainly are derived from those of C, that is C > Thai > Khmer, may make one wonder why the V numerical counting system is the ten-based one. In the meanwhile, on the V side, if we take into consideration of all other counting related concepts such as 'chục, trăm, ngàn, vạn, triệu, and tỷ' (十 shí 'tens', 百 băi 'hundreds', 千 qiān 'thousands', 萬 wàn 'ten-thousands', 兆 zhào 'millions', and 億 yì 'billions', respectively), số 數 shù (numbers), đếm 點 diăn (count), tính 算 suàn (calculate), cộng 共 gòng (add), trừ 除 chú (substract, in C it means 減 jiăn or SV giảm while 除 chú became 'divide' in V), nhân 乘 chéng (multiply), chia 支 zhī, mộtvài 一切 yīqiè (a few), haiba 再三 zàisān (literally, twice and thrice, again and again), nămbalượt 三番五次 sānfānwǔcì (literally 'thrice and five times', several times), ordinal numbers of 1st (nhất 一 yī), 2nd (nhì 二 èr), and 4th (tư 四 sì) and so on, including the concepts of days of the week and months of the year with all their peculiar variations such as 'Chủnhật' Sunday 主日 zhǔrì and 'thánggiêng' January 正月 zhēngyuè or 元月 yuányuè, 'thángchạp' December 臘月 làyuè, etc., respectively, it is apparently that all those words are derived from those of the C language. Not only that, syntactically the V numerical usage is sharply diverged even from that of the MK five-based one, showing striking grammatical dissimilarities of numeral arrangement. In a Khmer phrase, for instance, when a numeral serves as classifier, or lexical co-efficient, most of the times it is placed after a modified noun while in V it must go before the noun, etc. All these factors deviate common ground where only 1-5 cognates are testified. So why should we make a big deal about the etymologies of V 1-5 from the MK common stock when they do not actually make a bit more or less solidly for the true nature of the V language? Well, that is for the very same reason the MK camp has gone about and that is why we need to make a similar fuss with a reverse case.

Should we not then go with the MK camp at its face values while taking into account of syntactic differences in numerical usages in the MK languages? We would not need to work that hard to find the answers to the questions of why, how, when, and what with regards to logical mentalism that the V speakers have had no need to utilize two different numeric sets in counting. Firstly and primarily it is hard to reconcile the disparity of collective cognitiveness of a people who mathematically do the counting based on the ten-based numerals given only five digits as the MK speakers do. As manifested by the current numerical system ancient V speakers must have actually possessed the ten-digit numeral set prior to what appeared in the Old MK languages. That is to say the first five MK numbers could also probably be those from a subset derived from the V ten-based system to utilize in a five-based system. In a utopian linguistic world 'one', two', and 'three', or even 'four' and 'five' for that matter, could also be cognate to those of C (see more below); otherwise, the whole thing as we have been presented by the MK specialists would suggest, absurdly and illogically then, that the V speakers initially had first had the numbers one to five as the MK speakers do and then they borrowed "sáu" (six) to "mười" (ten) from elsewhere at a later time. In other words, they have never used the sum sets 5+1 or 5+2, etc. for number 6, 7 or 8... as the MK speakers being accustomed to do simply because the set of 6-10 had not existed previously in their system. The latter hypothesis, that is, borrowing 6 to 10, thus might be unlikely for the reason that the MK counting system is cognitively five-digit based one. We, however, are unable to prove that hypothesis for now, so do those in the MK camp. (1)

Another way to rebut the MK numeral affinity is to search for the V numerical cognates in the ST and C languages phonemically after the data provided by Shafer as previously mentioned. As follows this argumentation is certainly just an attempt to do a cross-reference, yet it could possibly be loosely used as a groundwork based on analogical framework that works fine on most of other basic glosses with their similar evolving concepts, which are to be explored in order, that would go beyond imagination of other MK specialists whose arguments and analyses have been mainly relied on local informants -- read 'interpreters' -- as common practices utilized by western linguists, many being "Bloomfieldianists", mechanically, in the field they might have but a slight sense of "mentalism" in the languages involved, mostly equipped only with linguistic tools but not "mentalist substance". Even though I do not know any Sino-Tibetan languages but C and I have to rely on Shafer's data heavily in which I believe and place my trust for his expertise per se, at least I am possessing an excellent command in both C and V. On the surface, analogously, V specialists do the same thing on the MK data that they usually started with such pre-existing data, as have been quoted in the previous section, as their springboard. But did those specialists claim their local informants know V and one or more MK languages well enough linguistically? I doubt it because wrong references and and errors such as mispellings pop up here and there in their works for which I usually mark with "(?)" in my quotes. As we go along in the elaboration of the numerical issues thereto we could first play with some of the numbers here, suggestively, for the purpose of establishing some rapport on sound change patterns to see if we could indeed relate them to any ST roots for the V numerals and beyond.

Theoretically in historical phonological linguistics if there exist sufficient patterns of sound change for related words, usually more than six items in the same lexical category (hence, the modern K pì:(r) for 'hai' two in V being included here), then there are 2 possibilities that those etyma in the related languages could have the same "origin" etymologically or they simply could be "borrowing". "Origin" here exclusively means a word that has originated from the same root while "borrowing" involves loanwords, including those in basic realm, either abstract or concrete (2) as cited in the previous section with plausible etyma in many other basic words in Luce's list which seem to show agreement with those in C as well as other ST languages where similarities are plentiful as demonstrated in Shafer's list above. We could thus raise the question of the origin of the V numerals sáu to mười , and later, một to ba, and we then have the right to suspect the C numerals to have something related that is worth speculation.

Let's examine these patterns:

六 lìu ’six’ sáu [ M 六 lìu < MC lʊk < OC *rhuk | FQ 力竹 | According to Starostin: For *rh- cf. Jianyang so8, Shaowu su7. || Shafer: Old Tibetan *drug, Middle Burmese *kʿrok, Lusei ruk || Note: ¶ l- ~ s- || See more of ST etymologies in the Shafer's list above. ],
七 qī 'seven' bảy [ M 七 qī < MC chjit < OC *shit | FQ 親吉 || Note: Like Mandarin, most of other C dialects are no longer retaining the final -t. See more of ST etymologies in the Shafer's lis above. ],
八 bā ‘eight’ tám [ M 八 bā < MC pat < OC *pre:t | FQ 博拔 || Shafer: Old Tbetan *brgyad, Middle Burmese *hrats, Lusei riat, Sbalti bgyad, Burig rgyad. || Note: See more of ST etymologies in the Shafer's lis above. ],
九 jǐu ‘nine’ chín [ M 九 jǐu < MC kʌw < OC *kwjəʔ || Note: See more of ST etymologies in the Shafer's lis above. ],
十 shí ‘ten’ mười [ M 十 shí < MC ʂʌp < OC *ʈjəp || Note: See more of ST etymologies in the Shafer's lis above. ]

Let's try to find some corresponding patterns for those numbers:

1) { L- ~ S- } class correspondences are numerous:

蓮 lián ‘lotus’ VS sen[ M 蓮 lián < MC ljen < OC *rjan ],
浪 làng ‘wave’ VS sóng [ M 浪 làng < MC laŋ < OC *ra:ŋs | FQ 來宕],
亮 liàng ‘bright, pretty’ VS sáng, xinh [ M 亮 liàng < MC lɑŋ < OC *raŋʔs | FQ 力讓 | Hai. siaŋ | Cf. 朗 *ra:ŋʔ, 景 *kraŋʔ 'bright', 爽 *sraŋʔ 'bright, dawn' which appear to be doublets. ],
郎 láng ‘man’ VS chàng [ M 郎 láng < MC lʌŋ < OC *ra:ŋ ],
螺 luó ‘clam’ VS sò [ M 螺 luó < MC lwʌ < OC *ro:j ],
率 lǜ 'rate' SV suất,

and { S- } class which shift to those of { j-, q-, x-, sh-, c-, ch-...} corresponds to { l-}, of this sound change patterns correspondences are plentiful as well:

潛 qián 'submerge, furtive' VS lặn [ ~ Also, VS lén, lẫn, lánh 'hide' | M 潛 qián < MC tsiam < OC *diiam | ¶ q- ~ l-, ng- (OC *d- ~ l-) | cf. 潛逃 qiántăo (SV tiềmđào) lẫntrốn, # trốnlánh 'to hide away' ],
心 xīn 'heart' (figuratively) lòng ,
刷 shuā 'rub' SV loát [ VS 'chà' ],
翔 xiáng 'glide' VS lạng [ also, VS 'lượn' ],
長 zhăng 'grow' VS
lớn ,
久 jǐu 'long time' VS
lâu ,

2) { Q-(s-, ch-, x-, j-...) ~ B-(p-, ph-...) } : Words with these patterns are similar to those of 三 sān for VS ba ‘three’ and 四 sì VS bốn 'four' as seen in the list below. In the meanwhile, for the reverse pattern { B(p)- ~ T(th)- } or { t-(th-...) ~ b-(p-, ph-) }, for 'ba' ~ 'tam' and 'bốn' ~ 'tứ', with the pattern of the same class /t-, th-, d-/, to account for the intermediate /b-/ as in 'bảy' (seven) for C 七 qī and SV thất, we also have, including dissyllabic words,

甭 béng 'do not' VS đừng ,
碰 pèng 'collide' VS đụng ,
嫖 piáo 'intercourse' VS đéo ,
婊 biăo 'whore' VS đĩ ,
笨 bèn 'stupid' VS đần ,
匹 pǐ ‘mate’ SV thất [ M 匹 (疋) pǐ < MC phjit < OC *phit | FQ 譬吉 ],
必 bì ‘have to’ SVtất [ VS phải 'must, have' | M 必 bì < MC pjit < OC *pit | FQ 卑吉 ],
比 bǐ ‘compare’ SV tỉ ,
頻 pín 'channel' SV tần ,
幣 pì 'currency' SV tệ ,
俾 bēi 'inferior' VS tệ [ SV tỳ | M 卑 bēi < MC pje < OC *pe | FQ 府移 ],
鄙 pì 'vile' VS tệ ,
卑 bèi 'mediocre' SV tì ,
畢 bì ‘finish’ SV tốt [ M 畢 bì < MC pjit < OC *pit ],
濱 bīn 'river bank' SV tân,
賓 bīn 'guest' SV tân,
髮 fā 'hair' VS tóc ,
投 tóu 'put in' VS bỏ [ SV đầu | M 投 tóu < MC dɣw < OC *dho: ],
燙 tàng 'burn' VS bỏng ,
談 tán 'discuss' VS bàn ,
奔波 bènbó 'busy oneself for' VS tấttả [ SV bônba | M 奔 bēn < MC pon < OC *pjə:r, *pjə:rs | FQ 博昆, 甫悶 ],
劍柄 jiànbǐng 'sword' VS thanhgươm,
圈套 quāntào 'trap' VS cạmbẫy ,
突然 tùrán 'suddenly' VS bỗngdưng .

all of which loosely give us the { t(h)~ p(h) } correspondence when it comes to establish the phonemic correlationship of 'bảy' and 'thất'.

This type of analogy is questionable, though, should we take into consideration the cases of ba ‘three’ and bốn ‘four’. It appears that we cannot establish any well-defined correlation between the C and V numerals at all. The only thing we can elaborate is that ba (VS) and tam (SV) ‘three’ 三 sān corresponds to Hainanese /ta/. If both C sān and V ‘ba’ were cognate, ba must have undergone a process of dropping -m and changing s- (hence alternatively t-) to b- . Hainanese /ta/ thus could be a plausible cognate with "ba" and I believe that we could in effect find other words in C isoglosses that repeat this pattern such as the case of "biết" (know) which is cognate to the Hainanese, Amoy, and Fukienese /bat/ and that in turn corresponds to /tai/ 知 zhī (SV 'tri' > VS 'hay' as in haybiết 'be aware of'). If that is the case for 'ba', it is more likely that it had gone through a dissimilating process that shifted the rounded ending -wm to the front and labialized to become b- (cf. MC sam < *som, Proto-C **sawm, Tibetan gsum, gsum-po ‘third’.) The idea of sound change that occurred causing the transfer of rounding from the final labial to the initial is not uncommon as noted by Baxter and later by Bodman (1980) in his study. If this reasoning is worth speculating, ba must then be very archaic. Reversely, the pattern { p-(b-) ~ t-(th-) } shows a parallel correspondence {P- (b-...)} ~ {S- (ch-...)} between modern M and V:

聘 pìng ‘betroth’ SV sính [ M 聘 pìng, pìn < MC phjiaŋ < OC *phjiaŋh ],
板 băn 'floor' VS sàn [ M 板 băn < MC pɑn < OC *pra:nʔ ,
怕 pà ‘afraid’ VS sợ [ M 怕 pà < MC pɑ < OC *phra:ks ],
派 pài 'dispatch' VS sai (~ 差 chai) [ M 派 pài < MC phaj < OC *phre:ks ],
比 bǐ ‘compare’ VS so, bì (as in 比方 bǐfāng: sosánh) [ SV tỉ | M 比 bǐ < MC pjɨ < OC *pijʔ | FQ 卑履, 必至 ],
別 bié 'do not' VS chớ [ M 別 bié < MC bet, pet < OC *brat, *prat ],
曬 shài 'sun dry' VS phơi [ M 曬 (晒) shài < MC ʂai < OC *ʂaɨj ],
扇 shàn 'fan' SV phiến [ M 扇 shān, shàn < MC ʂen < OC *xen, *xens | Pt 式連 || Also: SV thiên, thiến ],
煽 shān 'to fan' SV phiến [ M 煽 shān, shàn < MC ʂen < OC *hen, *xens ],
筮 shì 'devination' SV phệ [ M 筮 shì, yì < MC tʂej < OC *dhats || Also: SV thệ ],
小 xiăo 'little' VS bé [ M QT 小 xiăo < MC sjɜw < OC *sewʔ || cf. 微 wéi (SV vi)' \ ¶ w- ~ nh-, b- ] .

The same pattern also appears in dissyllabic words:

并肩 bìngjiān ‘to shoulder’ VS sánhvai,
比肩 bǐjiān ‘to shoulder’ VS sátcánh,
並非 bìngfēi 'do not' VS chẳngphải,
傍晚 bángwăng ‘dusk’ VS chạngvạng,
起源 qǐyuán ‘originate’ VS bắttnguồn,
起頭 qǐtóu ‘start’ VS bắtđầu,

and these shifting patterns, naturally, appear internally in the C language:

騁 chéng ‘gallop’ (cf. 娉 pìng) SV sính, VS phóng,
津 jīn ‘river bank’ (cf. 筆 bǐ) SV tân, VS bến,
走 zǒu 'run' ~ 跑 păo (modern Mand.), VS chạy,
霄 xiāo 'vault of sky' SV tiêu. Also read báo, bó, VS bầu, as in 'bầutrời'.

The sound change from C labials to V dentals is noted and speculated by several linguists such as Maspero and Karlgren (giving no explanation), Arisaca Hideyo and Paul Nagel as noted by Pulleyblank (1984). According to Pulleyblank, the whole sound change process can be summed up as follows:

Vietnamese t- was derived from s- < ts- < psi- < pci- as if they are from ts-. Forrest (1958) credited to AC pj-, bj- and the process of palatalization before certain words beginning with s- were borrowed in V. The reverse process of s- > p-, therefore, can be deduced.

If the cases of bảy and ba represent anything meaningful, 四 sì 'four' SV tứ [tɨj] VS bốn must have gone through the same process.

If the cases of ba, bốn, bảy are correct, tám should fit into the same corresponding pattern { b- ~ t- } as well.

3) The pattern { j-(z-, q-) ~ ch- } seems to justify the case by itself: 九 jǐu ~ chín 'nine'. In fact, the corresponding pattern is easy to find: 煎 jiān ~ chiên 'fry'; 走 zǒu ~ chạy 'run', 足 zú ~ chân 'foot'; 焦 jiāo ~ cháy 'burnt', 正 zhèng ~ chính 'main'...

4) { S(h)-(x-, q-, z-) ~ m- } pattern is rare, yet it can still be established as follows:

xián 鹹 : VS mặn 'salty' [ M 鹹 xián < MC ham < OC *grjem | MC reading 咸開二平咸匣 | Dialects: Changsha xan12, Shuangfeng ɠã12, Nanchang han12, Meixian ham12, Cant. ha:m12, Amoy ham12 ($); kiam12 | ¶ h- ~ m- < *OC grj- ~ m- ],
qìng 慶 : VS mừng (also 興 xìng) 'celebrate' [ M 慶 qìng < MC khɒiŋ < OC *khraŋs ],
shì 失 : VS mất (SV: thất) 'loss' [ M 失 shī < MC ʂit < OC *ɫit | MC reading 臻開三入質書 || cf. 沒 mò (SV một) VS mất 'loss, die' ],
xiě 血 : VS máu 'blood' [ SV huyết | M 血 xiě, xiè < MC xwiet < OC *swit | FQ 呼決 | According to Starostin: Viet. also has tiết 'animal blood' - an archaic loan (with t- regularly representing OC *s-, which was already lost in MC). || cf. huāng 衁 : máu 'blood' \ ¶ MC hw-(xw-) ~ m-, phonetic 芒 māng. According to Bodman (1980. p.120): M 衁 huāng < MC χwâng < OC *hmang < PC **hmam. 'An interesting hapax legomenon for 'blood' appears in Dzo Zhuan (左傳) which has an obvious Austroasiatic origin. Proto-Mnong *mham ('blood'), Proto-North Bahnaric *mham ('blood') ],
zuǐ 嘴 : môi 'lip' [ ~ VS 'mỏ, mõm' | M 嘴 zuǐ < MC tsjwɜ < OC *tsjojʔ | MC reading 止合三上紙精 | FQ 即委 | According to Starostin: Originally written as 觜 (q.v.) and also read OC *tɕej, MC tsje (FQ 即移) 'a horn-shaped curl on the head of birds and cats'. Tibetan: mtʂu lip, beak.],
剩 shèng : VS chứa ~ mứa 'leftover' [ ~ VS thừa | M 剩 shèng < MC ʑjəŋ < OC *ljəŋs | ex. 剩飯 shèngfàn : VS bỏchứa = bỏmứa (cơmthừa) 'food leftover' ],

reversely, for the pattern { m- ~ S(q-, j-, x-...) } we have:

míng 明 : VS sáng 'bright' [ M 明 míng < MC maiŋ < OC *mraŋ | FQ 武兵 ],
mō 摸 : VS sờ 'touch' [ Also, VS mò, mó | M 摸 mō, mó < MC mo < OC *mha: ],
màn 慢 : VS chậm 'slow' [ M 慢 màn < MC man < OC *mərans || cf. 遲 chí (SV trì) VS chậm ],
miào 廟 : SV miếu 'temple' ~ 朝 cháo VS chầu 'attend the imperial court'.

In the case of 'ten', shí 十 may not be 'mười', but it must be 'chục' for sure as demonstrated by its Cantonese isoglossal sound /ʃʌp/ .

If the numerals ‘six’ to ‘ten’ in V were to fitinto the sound change patterns as related to those in C as foresaid, naturally we could question the genuineness of the first five numbers as being derived from MK. This hypothesis, nevertheless, has been permanently smeared and undermined by those attested MK cognates with respective items under investigation. Therefore, do not blame me for my ignorance. I just want to feed you some foods for thoughts. Keep your mind open since everything is possible.

Etymologically, in effect, the more archaic the roots are, which include most of basic words, the more likely that sounds might have changed more drastically, sometimes beyond recognition, losing all historically phonetic traces. (See Austro-Thai Language and Culture with a Glossary of Roots by Paul K. Benedict, 1975.) In other words, the closer the similarities are, chances are they are merely loanwords as many of those in both VS and SV vocabulary as compared to those of the same ST roots in the Daic languages, for instance. This position is certainly contrary to the belief that basic words are more static than others. In this paper we have seen that Shafer's etymologies in ST languages also manifest this paradigmatic anxiom. That is because, with the exception of those fundamental basic words pronounced with very simple monosyllabic sounds such as 爸 bā (VS ba) "dad", 媽 mā (VS má) "mom", 目 mù (VS mắt) "eye", 食 shí (VS xơi) "eat", 飲 yǐn (VS uống) "drink", 土 tǔ (VS đất) "soil", etc., complex and multi-syllabic words such as "cùichỏ", "bảvai", gòmá", "màngtang", "mỏác", "đầugối", "mắccá", (for their etymology refer back to the previous chapter), etc., were much vulnerable to changes and easier succumbed to many other factors, as common seen in any languages such as those cognates in Indo-European ones. One could see that by rationalizing that many ST languages such as C or those of Burmic and Daic languages -- if applicable, included here because the Daic currently being classed as of ST -- of the same root started out with the same basic words at a very early ancient stage and each one had later developed each own way during a span of several thousand years. They are believed to have evolved from an ancestral language having originally consisted of clusters of consonantal initials without tone to languages with simple initials and tones as what appears today. That is evidently true in the context that languages are not fossilized but constantly in dynamic change to evolve from primitive to sophisticated stages, especially for those that must have undergone drastic change from toneless consonantal clusters to tonal system to differentiate meanings, in this case, the monosyllabic OC.

If the illustrations of the cases sáu, bảy, tám, chín, mười are not convincing enough, let’s go back and take a quick review of many other patterns that repeat between C and V like the cases bảy, ba, bốn with the pattern { S- ~ B- } and then continue on to the cases of một ‘one’, hai‘two’. This short list, like other cases illustrated above, is by no means exhaustive:

một ‘one’ < nhất (SV) [ Also VS 'mốt' as in 'hămmốt' (twenty-one) | M 一 yì < MC ʔjit < OC *ʔit < PC **ʔɨt (~ɠ-) | FQ 於悉 | MC reading 臻開三入質影 ].

The pattern { y ~ m } :

yún 雲: VS mây 'cloud',
yǔ 雨: VS mưa 'rain',
yăo 舀: VS môi (~ muỗng) 'scoop' [ M 舀 yăo < MC jiaw < OC *jiaw | MC reading 效開三上小以],
yán 鹽: VS muối 'salt' [ SV 'diêm' | M 鹽 yán < MC jem < OC *am | MC reading 咸開三平鹽以 | According to Starostin : Protoform: *jam (r-). Meaning: salt. Chinese: 鹽 *lam salt; 鹹 *grjə:m salt, salty. Tibetan: rgjam-chwa a k. of salt, like crystal, lgyjam-chwa a k. of rock-salt. Burmese: jamh gunpowder, saltpetre. Kachin: jam1 a k. of salt. Kiranti: *ru\m. Comments: Ben. 57; Mat. 184 ],
yóu 魷: VS mực 'cuttlefish' [ M 魷 yóu | Note: phonetic stem M 尤 yóu < MC jəu < OC *wjə || cf. later word 墨魚 mòyú (VS cámực) ],
yăn 眼: (modern usage) ~ mù 目 (old usage) : VS mắt 'eye',
yāo 邀: VS mời (~ vời) 'invite' [ cf. M 請 qǐng (VS 'xin') | M 請 qǐng < MC chjɜŋ < OC *sheŋʔ ],
giây [dʒjʌj]: 秒 miăo 'second' [ M 秒 miăo < MC mjɜw < OC *mews ],
dân [jʌn]: 民 mín 'citizen',
diện [jiən]: 面 miàn 'face',
diệu [jiəw]: 秒 miào 'miraculous',
di [ji]: 彌 mí 'full',
danh [jaɲ]: 名 míng 'name',
diệuvợi [jiewvəj]: 渺茫 miăománg 'meagerly',

hai ~ 二 èr ‘two’ nhị (SV) [ VS Also 'nhì' as in 'thứnhì' (second) | M 二 èr < MC ɳɨ < OC *nijs | FQ 而至 | SV nhị /ɲej/ < hei ],

and , năm ‘five’:

năm ~ 五 ‘five’ < ngũ (SV) [ VS Also 'nhăm ~ dăm ~ lăm' as in 'hămlăm' (twenty-five) | M 五 wǔ < MC ŋɔ < OC *ŋha:ʔ | FQ 疑古 | MC reading 遇合一上姥疑 | According to Starostin: be five. For *ŋh- cf. Xiamen ŋo|6, Chaozhou ŋou4, Fuzhou ŋo6, Jianou ŋu6, ŋu8. | Dialects: Wenzhou : ŋ22, Changsha : ŋ2; u 2 (lit.), Meixian : ŋ2, Cant. : ŋ22 || Note: For ST cognates, see Shafer's list above. ]

The pattern { w ~ n } :

臥 wò: SV 'ngoạ', VS 'nằm' (lie down, Also: VS 'ngủ' sleep),
握 wò: VS 'nắm' (hold),
國 guó: SV 'quốc' [wʌk], SV 'nước' (nation),
鍋 guò: VS 'nồi' (pot),
偎 wèi: VS 'nể' (respect),
語 yǔ: SV 'ngữ', VS 'nói' (speak),

We could speculate that the difference in sounds might have been a result of soundchanges that could have been either from proto-C or even originating from a form of C in a much later traceable time. Our hypothesis can be tested by just trying to pronounce the SV "nhất" and "thập" with the initial m- (that is, drop nh-), SV nhị /nhei/ with h- (that is, drop n-), SV tam, tứ, thất with b- (cf. Hainanese /ta/, /tej/, /sit/), SV "lục" with s- (cf. Mand. lìu), and ngũ (cf. Cant. /hŋm/) with n- (nh-, l-), bát with t-, cữu with ch-.

Needless to say, weakness of the points made here about the origin of numerals in V is obvious since the V "một" to "năm" is much more in close resemblance with those of MK languages while keeping distance with those of C. Again, what has been discussed so far in V numerals is just a suggestive approach in searching for the V etymology of C origin of other words, which could not be totally all wrong as analyzed and examined in the analytic approach and not just for the numbers themselves just like what I have mentioned previously that nothing about the numerals is certain and definitive, i.e., five-based vs. ten-based system. However, the foregoing is holding strongly with its merits if you compare Benedict (1975, pp. 29-30) elaboration on the numeral cognates in his proposed Austro-Thai languages.

B) The unfinished work

For the past 60 years and until present day V had been once believed to belong to the MK group of the Austroasiatic linguistic family. Prior to that period, however, in 1911, 1912 and 1952, Maspero reclassified V with the Thai (or T’ai, Tai, Dai, Tay, of Daic) languages, members of the Daic division of the ST linguistic family, with which V shares, among other things, a similar tonal system similar to that of the C model. This viewpoint was shared by Forrest (1958) who inserted that

“before the Chinese conquest, Annam [Vietnam] and Kwangtung [Guangdong or Canton] were long under one rule; but everything points to that rule having been T’ai [Dai] rather than Mon-Khmer.[...] When first recorded by European Missionaries in the seventeenth century, Annamese [Vietnamese] still had compound initial groups of consonants in cases where they are now reduced to simple sounds. The phonetic history is in this respect parallel with that of T’ai and Chinese, and this fact, so far as it goes, tells in favour of a T’ai basis for the language rather than a Mon-Khmer” (p.102).

Later on a few linguists like Peng Chu’nan (1984) still believe V belongs the ST linguistic family. With uncertainty, Roland J-L Breton and Harold F. Schiffman in their Geolinguistics (1991) decided not to group V in the Austroasiatic linguistic family. In the C ~ V scenario, Pulleyblank (1984) also recognized that “Vietnamese is typologically closer to Chinese than are either Japanese or Korean and, in many ways, even Tibetan, in spite of the fact that Chinese and Tibetan are genetically related while Chinese and Vietnamese are not (unless the relationship is an exceedingly remote one.)” (p.91)

I myself prefer to further put V in a sub-group of the Sinitic division of the ST linguistic family despite of the fact that Sinitic division as classified consists only of C dialects. Nevertheless, by all means I do not implicitly or explicitly mean V is a C dialect. In reality, V marks off from C by some of its distinct grammatical feature of "noun + adjective" order, a substratum of meager basic words similar with those of MK origin, and those of an unidentified stratum, which become such a big issue as an obstruction to linguistic affiliation by some authors who seem to be unaware that virtually most of grammatical prepositions in V are cognate to those in C clearly on the one by one basis.

Even though there are words that have been classed as such in many Austroasiatic and MK word lists, I am still unable to associate them with anything but Sinitic origin, for example, "bò" ('ox, cow' as compared to "trâu" 牛 níu 'water buffallo') definitely having ST origin (see the above ST section for its etymology). However there are lexicons that are not clearly identified in C such "sữa" 乳 rǔ 'milk' which is similar to 'susu' in Indonesian while, at the same time, there exists the C 哺 bǔ 'suck' as etymon of "bú" in V. I still suspect that the etyma might have lost when they had not been in use and substituted with other usages for different meanings as in many cases in C just as in the cases of

"đực" (male) 特 tè (SV đặc),
"lạc" (in place of đậuphụng 花生 huāshēng 'peanut' [Hai. /wundow/]) 落 luò (SV lạc) [ 'đậulạc' #落豆 luòdòu, also an etymon of VS 'rơi, rớt, rụng' <~ M 落 luò < MC lak < OC *ra:k as in modern C for both 落花 'fallen flowers' and 落花生 'earth-nut, Arachis hypogaea' (attested in Qing classics) which is obviously related to V 'lạc' (earth-nut) although the direction of borrowing is not quite clear. Cf. perhaps also (as a more archaic loan) Viet. rắc 'to sprinkle, to dredge, to sow' ('to let fall') ],
"dưahấu" (watermelon) — "hấu" as a monosyllabic syllable not to be used alone -- [ M 塊瓜 kuàiguā (khốiqua) | @# M 塊瓜 kuàiguā \ @ 塊 kuài ~ hấu | M 瓜 guā < MC kwɑ < OC *kwra: | FQ 古華 | MC reading 假合二平麻見 | as apposed to modern M 西瓜 xīguā, which becomes another word in V : 'dưatây' (literally 'western melon') to mean a different kind of non-native melons],
'bánhdày' # 餃餅 jiăobǐng, and 'bánhchưng' # 蒸餅 zhēngbǐng — modern M 粽子 zòngzi — (both being different kinds of rice cakes) as they have been previously believed to be indigenous glosses. This is an important point since because, in the cultural context, these words are closely related to the mystic legends of 18 ancestral Hồngbàng Kings of the Vietnamese people.

For all those reasons along with its undeniably intimate closeness with C (to be applied equally to all C dialects) in its all capacity as soon to be discussed in this paper, the V language should be adopted into the ST linguistic family, which is, until now, nearly 400 languages and dialects as have been recorded and classified within this family. For Tibetan and C, it is assumed that in the pre-historic time the Tibetans and pre-historic “Chinese” were originally the same people and formed a common language before divergence and differentiation later on. The formation of C is the result of the fusion of Tibetan and languages of native peoples living in the areas around today’s Henan Province -- the Zhuang and Daic per se. On becoming itself, C has been equally influenced by those languages, which might have included those of the Yue languages, or Austroasiatic origin in a limited sense. However, according to Norman (1988, p.17), “the fact that only a relatively few Chinese words have been shown to be Sino-Tibetan may indicate that a considerable proportion of the Chinese lexicon is of foreign origin [...], languages which have since become extinct.”

Based on the evolution of the "Chinese" people as they expanded to the China South, we can imagine that the "foreign origin" Norman mentioned could have been altogether the "Yue" vocabulary stock, that includes fundamental basic words, from which the later V had shared with the C language and evolved together in later periods.

Similarly, we could say the same with a small portion of common words that the early "Vietnamese" people have shared with those of the MK languages, i.e., before the break-up of the Vietmuong group. That is to say, by the same token, interpolation and deduction and interpretation after taking into account of all historical Chinese circumstances that have contributed to the emergence of the later-to-be-called "Chinese" people and their languages as have been examined by many authors, hypothesis of formation of the indigenous “Vietnamese” people and their land before and after the Chinese conquest might have gone the same route as that of their language as they advanced further southwards given the fact that in C there exist a great number of loanwords from the southern Yue aborginal peoples as described earlier in previous chapter.

For our theoretical merits the hypothesis of other words that have "foreign origin" shared by both C and V had deep roots since the early days of their development according to archaeological findings by Zhang Zengqi (1990) in his Zhongguo Xinan Minzu Kaogu (or Anthropology of ethnic minorities in China's Southwestern regions ). We can speculate that V had been formed by the fusion of the early Vietic linguistic form with languages spoken by the aborigine — collectively known as the Yues (known in V as "BáchViệt") having originally resided in the habitat of today’s southern parts of China of which lexicons had been parts of the Daic layer of vocabulary and those of Zhuang (known as "Nùng" in V), Miao-Yao, and MK of the Austroasiastic linguistic family — with dialects spoken by early "pre-Chinese", and later the Hans, settlers who have emigrated continuously in waves throughout the process in a time span started probably 4000 years ago until the modern time.(3) As a result, underneath the V basic lexicons are multi-layers of Proto-Chinese, Ancient and Old Chinese, Middle Chinese, including even Early Mandarin and Modern Mandarin (or Putonghua). For the last 2300 years or so since the Han Dynasty they have been further intermingled with other languages spoken by other indigenous peoples further to the south along the migrating route of "Ancient Vietnamese" [ read "proto-Viet", one branch of the Yues, among others such as "proto-Yit" (Cantonese), "proto-Minnan(Fukienese), etc.] to form the Việt-Mường group (BC 300 to AD 1000) until they split into Mường and "Annamese" (about 1500 years ago) branches. Remnants of speeches of other variants of Dai, Miao-Yao and Mon-Khmer, etc., spoken by the other native peoples are believed to have been similar to those languages still spoken by the peoples inhabiting in today’s mountainous parts in modern Vietnam. As of now, traces of those linguistic stratra, obviously, have become much more foreign to V than those of C elements. Here is a graphic overview of proportional Vietnamese linguistic strata as manifested by its etymology:

Sinitic components		Vietnamese linguistic strata
Proto-Chinese (to 1028 B.C.)	«««««« o »»»»	Sinitic-Vietnamese E.g. mắt, giò, đi, chạy, lá, cá, gió, cộ, chài, cửa, etc.
Early Mandarin (from 1324 A.D.) and modern Mandarin	~»»»»»»»»»»»»

Old Chinese (ca. 600 B.C.)	«««««« o »»»»	Mixed Sinitic elements E.g. buồng, ngủ, bếp, tủ, đũa, buồm, tàu, etc
		Sino-Vietnamese
Middle Chinese (from 601 A.D.)	~»»»»»»»»»»»»

Tibetan and other foreign elements	«««««« ~ o ~»»»»	Daic, Mao-Yao, Mon-Khmer, and other Austroasiatic elements E.g., mới, ngón, móng, ổi, cốc, nem, ớt, etc.

Aside from all similarities in phonological and semantic aspects of aforementioned word stock, the basis for Sino-Tibetan inclusion is further strengthened as we examine the classic example of tonality that has set V apart from the MK linguistic sub-family. Again, it is worthwhile to emphasize again that MK languages are toneless while V is a tonal language like other languages of the ST linguistic family. Modern V in today's visual orthography it is accented with six tones, or, linguistically, to be exact, eight tones as categorized according to both V and C traditional phonological scheme in historical linguistics. Amazingly, that tonal system fits exactly into the tonal registers as used in Ancient Chinese (Norman 1988, p.55). Tonality is a special linguistic feature of most of the ST languages and considered as non-transferable in loanwords. Modern C and V loans in English show such tendency. Japanese and Korean are also good examples of this case because though both languages have borrowed massive C vocabulary since ancient time, they have become neither tonal languages nor even slightly accented with those of their C loanwords. For that matter MK cognates that are shared by both V and other MK languages have never had tones in the MK languages except for V. (4)

That is what Henri Maspero (1912) proposed in his research that tone is an inherent feature of languages and cannot be derived from non-tonal elements; a corollary of this view is that tonal languages could not be genetically related to languages which lacked one. (Norman 1988, p. 54) Another classic example is of those C loanwords such as 防火 fánghuǒ (SV phònghoả 'to prevent fire') and 放火 fànghuǒ (SV phónghoả 'to set fire'), 水稻 shuǐdào (SV thuỷđạo 'aquatic rice') and 水道 shuǐdào (SV thuỷđạo 'aquatic duct') or 隧道 shuìdào (SV thuýđạo, 'tunnel'), 首都 shǒudū (SV thủđô 'capital') and 手刀 shǒudāo (SV thủđao 'hand knife'), etc. in the Korean language: they are pronounced the same with no tonal distinction to differentiate their meanings in writing native Korean Hangul unless their Hanja forms, or the original C characters of those words, are illustrated. It will be all clear when we examine pronunciations of those French or English that appear in the C and Khmer languages. Similarly, C and V loanwords, such as "chowmein", "kowtou", "taipoon", "sampan", or "Vietcong" and "pho" and "aodai" in the English language appear without accompanied tones. Reversely loanwords from a non-tonal language will become tonal in a borrowing language as they will be accentuated with additonal tonal contours in the targeted tonal one. A good example of this case is that most of the French and English loanwords in V are all accented with tones. (See APPENDIX A). If V is characteristically a non-tonal language inherently, as opposed to genetically per se, it would have intrinsically had no need to accentuate any foreign words with tones (note that all V historical names from those of the legendary King to placenames all are from tonal C words. )

For those glosses listed in the tables in the previous chapter, we can see that the correspondences between basic words in V and other MK languages are not as uniform on one-to-one basis as they appear in V and a MK language under examination. Some basic words in Vietnamese related to those roots are actually scattered in several MK languages, not as the whole set of words from one language to the other as in the case of Chinese ~ Tibetan or Chinese ~ Vietnamese. This phenomenon contrasts prominently with what appears to be a solidly uniform connection between the V and C languages. The similarity between the numerals 1 to 5 between Vietnamese and other MK languages alone, hence, is not enough to establish the genetic affinity of Vietnamese with those languages. Again, in this peculiar case, a compelling speculation we can establish here is that those words could have been variants of V loanwords in those MK languages, as usually happened as the results of influence of a much more advanced people along with their language having imposed onto those less developed peoples, probably long before the emergence of the Khmer Kingdom (802-1432) in the farthest southern parts of today's Indo-Chinese pennisula (Cambodia) given that the Vietnamese counting system is based on ten versus that of five in the MK system.

Statistically, an approximate of more than 90% of Vietnamese vocabularies, including many basic words, are of Chinese origin. (5)

With all other factors pointing to the Chinese connection, why must Vietnamese be considered as a language of the MK origin, or of a larger Austroasiatic linguistic family as currently seen by linguistic circles for that matter, but not of ST linguistic family? In this paper, as already mentioned above, the author considers what is more important here lies the nature and characteristics of a language than proofs of true genetic root of it. When were are talking about it, we are discussing about a living language with all its attributes and peculiarities that make it become what it is. And Vietnamese, in this case, is characteriscally more Chinese than Mon-Khmer for that matter.

In the following sections, we are going to examine Sinitic-Vietnamese (VS) words of C origin, many of which might have not been made available before the appearance of this research and its sibling work entitled The Etymology of Nôm of Chinese Origin" (Click here to view).

E) Vietnamese and Chinese cognates in basic vocabulary stratum:

Any people on earth with their language, from beginning when they first lived together and formed mutual commonalities, must have had a minimum set of their own basic vocabulary to start with. It is hard to imagine that they had to borrow words of natural phenomena and objects existing around them and of their physical activities in their daily life and other man-made things and tools for their living. The similarities that V share with C in the basic vocabulary stratum certainly will make us wonder why it has been so. Finding an answer to that question is much preferably significant to trying to fortify a hypothetic genetic affiliation with the MK linguistic family or, for the very same reason, with C or any other ST languages such as Daic (Tày) or Zhuang (Nùng) in terms of the similar traits of the whole ensemble of the V languistic current state.

No matter what progress the MK camp will have made in the days to come, MK elements are just foreign materials that might have made an imprint substantially surely in Mường, but not in V. Just like the composition of speakers of those languages, analogically, ancestors of speakers of MK languages (let's designate it here as "the origin") might have been those indigenous inhabitants occupying most of terrestrial parameters surrounding today's Vietnam where their present descendants constitute minorities among a much larger majority of the "Kinh" people, or the present Vietnamese ("the mixed stock"). Ramnants of MK elements that still exist in the V language should be dealt with in the same manners accordingly. Substantially what we are looking at is not "the origin" at birth but with "the mixed stock" in terms of linguistic view as it appears with massive V words of C origin. In other words, as already said, our focus is on the wholeness of the V language as it appears today and not the genetic affiliations of many basic words that might happen to fit nicely in the Austrosiatic etymological scheme in order to answer the question "What makes Vietnamese so Chinese?"

1) Chinese basic words:

In this section we shall continue to do the task of examining the V and C commonalities in the basic vocabulary realm by traversing the ST route (for etymological details of other ST cognates, refer to Shafer's list in the previous section.)

Now that we have examined the MK ~ V basic word lists from different authors, let's move to explore further more those of C ~ V. In general, C basic words are mostly characters of those fundamental ideographs and pictographs, i.e. iconic symbols, which is equivalent to monosyllabic words. They were probably the first characters that had initially been created in the C writing system as far as we know as they were first engraved on tortoise shells with devine psychics.

(For those etyma which have already been elaborated in the previous sections, press Ctrl + F for quick reference since they may not be repeated here. For more quotations from Kangxi Dictionary, please check http://han-viet.com. For the followings just remember that the closer their similarity is, chances are that they could be recent loanwords, mostly from C to V. Furthermore, their recency reflects also in the nature of metathesis, or reversed "word" order indicated by the symbol #, of many dissyllabic words stemmed from the fact that they have evolved from original C compounds where the loanwords were adjusted grammatically to suit the habit of V native speakers. Read more about word order in the next few sections. )

giời (trời) 日 rì 'sun' (SV nhật) [ ~ VS ngày 'day' | See etymology in previous sections. | See comments on 'giăng' (the moon). Cf. M 明 míng (a related ideograph though, not phonetic) < MC maiŋ < OC *mraŋ | According to Starostin: be bright, enlightened, clear, pure, manifest. Regular Sino-Viet. is minh; Viet. mai (with a variant 'mơi') means 'tomorrow' and may be a colloquial (distorted) derived from MC in the special usage: # 明日 maiŋrit 'tomorrow' or ngàymai. Also, most of the 日 rì in other compounds matches nicely with those of 'giời' or 'trời' in V, for example, 今日 jīnrì 'ngàynay ~ hômnay' (cf. 今天 jīntiān, today), 來日 láirì 'ngàymai' (future), 往日 wăngrì 'ngàyqua' (former days), 日常 rìcháng 'thườngngày' (daily routine), 日落 rìluò 'giờilặn' (sunset), 青天白日 qīngtiānbáirì 'banngàybanmặt' (in broad daylight), etc. Additionally, 天 tiān is another word for 'sky, heaven', equivalent to V 'trời' (< 'blời'). Beside the later meaning of 'day', which could have been the result of the prococess of assimilation, originally it signifies something a little bit more abstract and spiritual such as heaven, the sky, the Almighty, etc. | M 天 tiān < MC thien < OC *thi:n | FQ 他前 | MC reading 山開四平先透 | According to Starostin: Also used for a homonymous *thi:n 'to brand the forehead'. | Cf. corespondences in fixed expressions: trờiơi 天阿 tiānna 'Oh My Lord', trêntrời # 天上 tiānshàng 'upper in the sky, in the Heaven', trờicaocómắt # 老天有眼 lăotiānyǒuyăn 'the Providence is watching', ÔngTrờigià 老天爺 Lăotiānye 'the Supreme Lord', trờiđất 天地 tiāndì 'heaven and earth, trờisáng 天亮 tiānliàng 'daybreak', trờitối 天黑 tiānhēi 'it's getting dark', trờirâm # 陰天 yīntiān 'cloudy', trờilạnh 天冷 tiānlěng 'cold day', chântrờigócbể # 天涯海角 tiānyáháijiăo 'remote corners of the earth', trờicaođấtrộng 天高地厚 tiāngāodìhòu 'the vastness of the universe', trờiđánh(thánhđâm) 'derserve to be punished by the Almighty' 天打(雷斃) tiāndă(léipì), độitrờiđạpđất 頂天立地 dǐngtiānlìdì 'to stand upright to confront the world', trờibấtdunggian 天不容姦 tiānbùróngjiān 'the Almighty will not let those bad people get away', trờitruđấtdiệt 天誅地滅 tiānzhūdìmiè 'the Almighty will punish all those (bad) people', 只有天曉得 Zhǐyǒu tiān xiăodé! Chỉcó trời hiểuđược' (Only God could understand!), etc. Overall, all these occurrences of 天 tiān and many others map well into the V concept of 'trời' while 日 rì with the connotation of 'day' fits nicely into that of V 'ngày' given the fact that they are both interchangeable relating to either C word with a corresponding meaning, hence, we can say that, though Chinese 日 rì and 天 tiān could be regarded as doublets, just like 'trời' and 'giời' in V. That is to say, 天 tiān could be assimilated with 'trời' and 'ngày'.],
trời 帝 dì (SV đế) [ M 帝 dì < MC teij < OC *teks | Cant. dai3, Hak. di5, Central Vietnamese 'tời' | Note; Co-existent with 天 tiān, as a doublet 帝 dì (SV đế) could be pausibly a candiadate for another lexicon for 'trời' with the meaning 'Supreme Power', which later had been used to identify with the Emperor as opposed to the King. (Kangxi: 王天下之號也。《爾雅·釋詁》君也。《呂氏春秋》帝者，天下之所適。王者，天下之所往。《管子·兵法篇》察道者帝，通德者王。《史記·高帝紀》乃卽皇帝位汜水之南。《註》蔡邕曰：上古天子稱皇，其次稱帝。又上帝，天也。《易·鼎卦》聖人亨，以享上帝。《書·舜典》肆類于上帝。　又五帝，神名。《周禮 · 春官·小宗伯》兆五帝于四郊。《註》蒼帝曰靈威仰，赤帝曰赤熛怒，黃帝曰含樞紐，白帝曰白招拒，黑帝曰汁光紀。《家語》季康子問五帝之名。孔子曰：天有五行，金木水火土，分時化育以成萬物。其神謂之五帝。) || ex. 上帝 Shàngdì (Thượngđế) Supreme Being, 'God' ],
giăng 月 yuè 'moon' (SV nguyệt) [ ~ VS trăng ~ tháng 'month' | M 月 yuè < MC jwjat < AC *jwot | MC reading 山合三入月疑. | Note: If we posit 'giăng' < 'trăng' then the latter could evolve into 'tháng' /thaŋ/ (month). However, in the 17th century this word was transcribed as 'blăng' by missionaries. Just like 'blời' for 'mặttrời', it could have been a variation of 'mặttrăng' of which the b- had all the capacity to become m- < 'mặt'. In the meanwhile, we could further postulate 'giăng' ~ M 'yuè' which corresponds to the pattern ¶ V gi- ~ C y-, j-, jh- and, hence, nh- to ng- for the MC derivative of 'nguyệt' (cf. Cant. /jat/ and /jit/.). There is plenty of examples of ¶ y- ~ tr-, th- as well such as 羭 yú (SV du) ~ VS 'trừu' (sheep), 藥 yào (dược) 'thuốc' (drug), 鑰 yào (thước) (lock). Interestingly, according to Benedict (1975), its equivalent archaic form in Thai looks like a cognate: *ʔblüan 'moon' from *ʔblyan < *q/b(ə)lal (unstressed form), Kam-Sui nyaan (pp. 20, 422). In compound usage, like 日 rì, we have some corresponding compounds: sángtrăng 月亮 yuèliàng (nguyệtlượng) 'moonlight', trăngkhuyết 月虧 yuèkuī (nguyệtkhuy) 'crescent moon', trăngrằm 月盈 yuèyíng (nguyệtdoanh) 'full moon', the moon in the 15th of the month in lunar calendar, thángđủ # 大月 dàyuè (đạinguyệt) 'month with 30 days', thánggiêng # 正月 zhèngyuè (chínhnguyệt) '1st month', thángchạp 臘月 làyuè (lạpnguyệt) 'the 12th month', vầngtrăng # 月暈 yuèyùn 'he rounded ring illuminated around the moon', ngàytháng 日月 rìyuè 'days', đầytháng 周月 zhōuyuè '(baby reaches) one month old', tuầntrăngmật # 蜜月周 mìyuèzhōu 'honeymoon', etc.],
bố 父 fù 'father' (SV phụ),
mẹ 母 mǔ 'mother' (SV mẫu); also, its variants as 'mợ', 'mái' (of female animals),
con 子 zǐ 'child, son' (SV tử) [ M 子 zǐ < MC tsjɤ < OC *cɑʔ | According to Starostin: child, son, daughter, young person; prince; a polite substitute for 'you' Also read *cjəʔ-s, MC cjy\, Mand. zì 'to treat as a son'. Related is 字 *tɕjəʔ-s 'to breed' q. v. The character is also used for an homonymous word *cjəʔ 'the first of the Earthly Branches' (in Sino-Viet.: tý). | Dialects: Fuzhou 囝 kiaŋ, kiã (M jiăn), Hainanese /ke/, as someone has pointed out, which could have been originating from Austroasiatic *kiã ‘son, child’, that is to say the least, Minnan Fuzhou 囝 kiaŋ (kiã) is also a cognate. ]
rén 人 người 'human' (SV nhân) [ M 人 rén < MC ɲin < OC *nin | MC reading 臻開三平真日 | FQ 如鄰 | Dialects: Beijing: ʐjən12, Jinan: ʐẽ12, Xi'an: ʐẽ12, Taiyuan: zjəŋ1, Hankou: njən12, Chengdu: zjən12, Yangzhou: ljən12, Suzhou: zjən12 (lit.); ɳin12, Wenzhou: zaŋ12, Changsha: ʐjən12, Shuangfeng: in12, Nanchang: lan31, Meixian: ɳin12, Guangzhou: jan12, Xiamen: zin12 (lit.); laŋ12, Chaozhou: naŋ12, Fuzhou: iŋ12 (lit.); louyŋ12, Shanghai: zjəŋ 32 (lit.); niŋ32, Zyyy: zijən12 | According to Starostin : human being, person, man; other persons, others; a person, someone. For initial *n- cf. Min forms: Xiamen laŋ2, Chaozhou naŋ2, Fuzhou nouŋ2, Jianou neiŋ2. The closest external parallel is probably Tib. ɲen, gnen a relative - obviously derived from ɲe near (= OC 邇 *nejʔ q.v.). Thus OC *nin is an old -n- derivate < *nej-n. | ¶ r-, y- ~ ng- : Cf. 日 rì (nhật) VS 'ngày', 牙 yá (nha) VS 'răng' (tooth) ~ SV ngà (ivory, which is believed to have an Austroasiatic origin), 壓 yàn VS 'ngán' (get bored of). If 'nhân' could evolve into ngân ( cf.. Hai. njəŋ32, Chaozhou naŋ12), it could become 'người'. ]
anh 兄 xiōng 'older brother' (SV huynh) [ M 兄 xiōng < MC xwyajɲ < OC *smraŋ | ¶ The de-aspiration of the initial h- definitely could give rise to -uynh => 'anh' ]
dīng 丁 trai 'man' (SV đinh) [ M 丁 dīng < MC tieŋ < OC *te:ŋ | FQ 當經 | According to Starostin : A somewhat later meaning (attested since Jin) is 'nail, peg' - more usually written as 釘. Within the onomatopoeic reduplication 丁丁 'go zheng zheng, sound of beating' the character is read as *tre:ŋ, MC taiŋ (FQ 中莖), Pek. zhe:ng, (Japanese) Go tiyau, Kan tau (thus in Shi 7,1). ],
non 山 shān 'mountain' (SV sơn, san),
nước 水 shuǐ 'water' (SV thuỷ),
đất 土 tǔ 'soil' (as opposed to 'earth' đất 地 dì 'land' (SV địa),
đồng 田 tián (SV điền) 'cultivated field' (SV điền) [ ~ VS ruộng 'paddy field'~ săn 'hunt' | M 田 tián < MC dien < OC *lhi:n (note the initial l-) | FQ 徒年 | ¶ (*OC) l- ~ r- for 'ruộng'(s- ~ r- is common in C ~ V | According to Starostin : For *lh- cf. Min forms (with secondary palatalization): Chaozhou chaŋ2, Fuzhou cheŋ2, Jianou chaiŋ2. Used also for a homonymous (and possibly related) *lhi:n 'to hunt'; for the derived *lhi:n-s, MC dien (FQ 堂練) 'to cultivate, till; royal domain'. Sino-Tibetan: Protoform: *li:ŋ. Meaning: field, Chinese: 田 *lhi:n field. Tibetan: gliŋ island, continent, region, country; z/iŋ field, ground, soil, arable land. Burmese: kraɲh dry land, ground (OB kraɲ). Kachin: mjəliŋ1 a forest, woods. Lepcha: ljaŋ the earth. Comments: BG: Garo buruŋ, briŋ forest, Dimasa ha-bliŋ field in second year of cultivation; Moshang, Namsangia liŋ forest, Rawang mjəliŋ id. Simon 27; Sh. 435; Ben. 40, 80-81; Peiros-Starostin 212. Matisoff (Mat. 176) compares the Burm. form with Jnp. kriŋ1 firm, stable kriŋ1-muŋ2 hill (see *ɫiŋ) | Note also the association with 'rừng' (forest) in V.],
mưa 雨 yǔ (SV vũ) 'rain',
lửa 火 huǒ 'fire' (SV hoả) [ M 火 huǒ < MC xwʌ < OC *smjə:jʔ | ¶ hw ~ l: Cf 大伙 dàhuǒ: cảlũ (the whole gang), 同伙 tónghuǒ: đồngloã (accomplice), 過 guò SV quá [wa] lỗi (fault), 灣 wān: loan (bay); 話 huà: lời (spoken words), 裸体 luǒtǐ: loãthể (naked) ~ 果 guǒ: quả /wả/) ],
mắt 目 mù (SV mục) 'eye' (Note that similar words also appear throughout many Austroasiatic and Austronesian languages),
sọ 首 shǒu 'skull' [ M 首 shǒu ~ M 頭 tóu < MC dɤw < OC *dho: | (hence shǒu 首 became 'first, chief, leader' as in shǒuzhăng 首長 chieftain) ],
mặt 面 miàn 'face' (SV diện) [ M 面 miàn < MC mjen < OC *mhens | According to Starostin: Sino-Tibetan face; to face; face to face. Viet. men is a colloquial loanword (with the meaning 'to face' < 'to approach'); regular Sino-Viet. is diện. For *mh- cf. Xiamen bin6, Chaozhou miŋ6, Fuzhou meŋ5, Jianou miŋ6. | Sino-Tibetan: Kachin: man1, Lushei: hme:l face, looks, appearance (cf. also hmai the face), Lepcha: mlem, a-mlem face | Note: For ¶ -n ~ -t, the sound change is the result of a process of denasalization and dissimilation. In the case of MC mjen =< -jen > , an abrupt shifting and de-nasalizing of -n to -t might give rise to -jat. Similar ¶ -en, -an ~ at: they appear to be plentiful, ex. 咽 yàn: nuốt; 粉 fén: bột; 分 fēn: phút, 淡 dàn 淡: nhạt, lạt; yùn 晕: ngất, máng 忙: mắc ~ bận; § wáng 亡: mất, mì 密: mật; mù 木: mộc; mò 没: một, mài 麦: mạch; mài 脉: mạch; mù 目: mắt; mò 默: mặc... as well as other compounds: miànkǒng 面孔 khuônmặt, miànmào 面貌 mặtmày, mấtmặt 沒面子 méimiànzi, mặtrước 前面 qiánmiàn, mặtsau 後面 hòumiàn, etc. ],
tim 心 xīn 'heart' (VS also 'lòng'),
chân 足 zú 'leg' (SV túc) [ M 足 zú < MC tsjouk < OC *ɕok | FQ 即玉 | MC reading 通合三入燭精 ],
incuding some other characters of dubious association:
một 一 yī 'one' (SV nhất),
hai 二 ēr 'two' (SV nhị),
ba 三 sān 'three' (SV tam, Hainanese /ta/) [ cf. 仨 sā 'the three' ],
gỗ 木 mù 'tree, timber' (SV mộc) [ M 木 mù < MC muk < OC *mho:k | FQ 莫卜 | Shuowen : 冒也.冒地而生.東方之行.從�.下象其根.凡木之屬皆從木. tree. Initial *mh- is suggested by Meixian muk7. "Gỗ" is derived and based on the deduction from the symnomynous compound 木材 mùcái (mộctài) where "gỗ" is actually from M 材 cái (SV tài) < MC ʑʊj < OC *ʑhjə: ],
mồm, cửa 口 kǒu 'mouth, opening' (SV khẩu) [ ~ VS hốc, lỗ | M 口 kǒu < MC khʊw < OC *kho:ʔ | FQ 苦后 | MC reading 流開一上厚溪 Cant. /how/ ~> 'mồm'~ 'miệng' 吻 wěn (SV vẫn) | According to Starostin: Protoform: *khua. Meaning: mouth, hole, Chinese: 口 *kho:ʔ mouth. Burmese: ku a cave, cavity, grave. Kachin: (H) khu a hole, opening. Lushei: kua (ko) a hole, a burrow, a cavity. Comments: BG *k(h)u mouth: Garo ku ~ khu, Dimasa khu. Ben. 184.]
tay 手 shǒu 'hand',
Based on these basic pictorial characters, more sophisticated ideograms were developed as in:
sao 星 xīng 'star' (SV tinh),
đất 地 dì 'land' (SV địa) [ M 地 dì < MC di < OC *ɫhajs | FQ 徒四 | MC reading 止開三去至定 | According to Starostin: MC di\ is irregular (*d.e\ would be normally expected). | cf. tǔdì 土地 đấtđai, 土 tǔ (thổ) đất ],
mây 雲 yún (SV vân) 'cloud',
mù 霧 wù 'foggy' (In archaic usage it was also used to denote the concept of 'cloud'.),
sông 江 jiāng 'river' (SV giang),
bạn 朋 péng (SV: bằng, as in 朋友 péngyǒu) bạn 'friend' [ @ 伴 bàn (SV bạn) | M 朋 péng < MC bɤŋ < OC *bhjə:ŋ | FQ 步崩 | According to Starostin : string of cowries, a pair; associate, peer, friend. For *bh- cf. Chaozhou pheŋ2, Yilan phijəŋ2, Longdu pha:ŋ6. | x. bạnhữu ],
sáng 明 míng sáng 'bright', mai 'tomorrow',
cha 爹 diè 'daddy' (~ SV tía),
ba 爸 bā 'dad' (VS ba),
má 媽 mā 'mom' (SV ma),
nạ 娘 niáng 'mom' (archaic in V., but still being been in use in Beijing dialect as niár),
nóng 燙 tàng 'boiling hot' (SV tháng),
coi 看 kàn 'look' (SV khán) [ VS also 'khám' (examine), M 看 kàn, kān < MC khʌn < OC *kha:ns | MC reading 山開一去翰溪 | According to Starostin: to inquire, investigate; to see, look (Han). Also read *kha:n (~-r), MC khʌn, Mand. ka:n 'to guard, preserve' (Sui). | ¶ k- ~ /k-/, x- ],
đầu 頭 tóu 'head' (SV đầu),
chạy 走 zǒu 'run' (SV tẩu) [ M 走 zǒu < MC cʊw < OC *ɕo:ʔ | MC reading 流開一上厚精 | According to Starostin : to run, make run, gallop. Probably related to 趣 *tʂoʔ-s, *tʂo:ʔ (q.v.) which allows to reconstruct *ɕ-. | Note: actually in ancient usage, this word carries many different meanings, that match well to those words of the same nature in V. See http://han-viet.com with the query 走 ],
chân 腳 jiăo (~cẳng) 'leg' (SV cước, interestingly, we also have bājiăo 巴腳 : bànchân),

Additionally we can also expand the list to contain other basic words, of which both V and C are cognates. Below we will furthermore examine basic words of this nature and explore the possibilities of their being cognates with those of C.

Again, this research paper definitely is not about the genetic affinity of the V and C languages. Yet, its implication of those lexicons ranging from common basic words as cited above expanded below as well as many other fundamental words as follows suggests an affiliation with C, a member of the ST linguistic family, though. (Note: the list provided is representative and exclusive, not a complete list. Many etyma in this list have been provided in some of the previous sections. For handy reference, always press Ctrl + F or search http:\han-viet.com)

Family relations:

In addition to those lexicons discussed previously, here are some more:

ông 公 (grandfather): gōng (SV công, also VS cồ, trống '(of aninimal) male'),
tôi 我 wǒ 'I, me' (SV ngã) [ ~ VS qua | M 我 wǒ < MC ŋʌ < OC *ŋha:jʔ | FQ 五可 | MC reading 果開一上哿疑 | According to Starostin : I, we; my, our (inclusive, according to Yakhontov) The form 吾 *ŋha:ʔ (a later subjective/objective counterpart of 我) is still used very rarely during Early Zhou; several times there occurs also an emphatic form *ŋha:ŋ 'I for my part'. Initial *ŋh- is suggested here by archaic Min forms: Chaozhou ua3, Jianou ŋuoi8 // ue|8 (see ROCP 126). | Note that in OC there exist many words to address 'I, me, we.. ' such as 吾, 余, 咱 ... but they all related in pronunciation. We also see 咱 zà (VS ta) ~ zān (~ 咱們 zánměn VS chúngmình 'we, us') gives us the lead to 'tôi'. In V 'tôi' seems to have appeared very late for a few centuries, which has been speculated to have originated from 婢 bì (SV tì) > = 奴婢 núbì (SV nôtì), a humble way to address oneself. However, if 'tôi' is put into the phonological context with 'wǒ' 我 (cf. 找 zhăo ~ as 'tòi' in 'tìmtòi' 'to look for', and the association with the form 我倆 wǒliăng to give rise to 'đôilứa' ('we both'). In any cases 咱 zà or zān is the most plausible form, since in some dialectal C it means 'tôi' và 'ta'.]
cha, tía 爹 diè 'father' (SV tía),
vợ, bụa 婦 fù 'wife' (SV phụ),
chồng, chàng 君 jūn 'husband' (SV quân),
chúngmình 咱們 zánměn 'we, exclusively' (SV tamôn),
đôilứa 我倆 wǒliăng 'we both, two of us' (SV ngãlưỡng),
chị 姊 zǐ, jiě 'older sister' (SV tỷ, tỉ) [ M 姊 zǐ, jiě < MC tsjɨ < OC *ɕjəjʔ (~i) } | According to Starostin : elder sister; cousin (Schuessler). Regular Sino-Viet. is tỉ. ]

and not to mention indisputably a whole set of maternal and paternal kinships of uncles and aunts matching closely in hierarchy, cô 姑, cậu 舅, chú 叔, bác 伯, dì 姨, mợ 母, etc. and even 'mẹghẻ' # 繼母 jìmǔ step-mother and 'bốghẻ' # 繼父 jìfù step-father.

Natural surroundings and phenomina:

Beside some basic words listed peviously, below are some more:

sáng 晨 chén 'morning' (SV thìn) [ M 晨 chén < MC tʂin < OC * dhjər | FQ 植鄰 | Dialects : Changsha: ʂjʌən12, Nanchang : sjən31, Meixian: sjən12, Cant. sʌn12, Amoy : sin12, Chaozhou siŋ12, Fuzhou : siŋ12 ],
sáng 亮 liàng 'bright' (SV lượng) [ ~ VS xinh | M 亮 liàng < MC lɑŋ < OC *raŋʔs | FQ 力讓 | Hai. siaŋ | According to Starostin : For OC *r- cf. Xiamen liaŋ6, Chaozhou liaŋ4, Fuzhou lioŋ6, Jianou lio|ŋ6. Cf. also 朗 *ra:ŋʔ, 景 *kraŋʔ 'bright', 爽 *sraŋʔ 'bright, dawn'. | doublet ~ 朗 *ra:nŋʔ 'bright', 亮 *raŋʔ 'brightness', 景 *kraŋʔ 'bright', 爽 *sraŋʔ 'bright, dawn'],
trưa 晝 zhòu (SV trú) 'noon' [ M 晝 zhòu < MC ʈǝw < OC *triws | Pulleyblank: LMC triw < EMC: *trow | According to Starostin: OC *-iw-s is reconstructed because the word is sometimes written (as a loan) as 調 in Shi.],
tối 宵 xiāo 'night' (SV tiêu) [ M 宵 xiāo < MC sjew < OC *saw | FQ 相邀 ],
tối 黑 hēi 'dark' (SV hắc) [ M 黑 hēi < MC xɤk < OC *smjə:k | MC reading 曾開一入德曉 | ex. 黑暗 hēiàn (hắcám) : tốităm ],
gió, giông 風 fēng 'wind' (SV phong), [ M 風 fēng < MC pjuŋ < OC *pjɔm, prɔm < PC: **pryŋʷ, *prym | ¶ M 風 fēng ~ giông /dʒŋʷ/ -> gió /dʒɔ/ ~ phong /pfɔŋʷ/, © 凬 | § 虫 chóng (trùn) giun | ex. giôngtố # 颱風 táifēng 'taiphoon', 風雨 fēngyǔ > # mưagiông > mưagió],
bão 暴 bào 'storm' (SV bạo) [ M 暴 bào < MC bjəw < OC *ba:kws | FQ 薄報 | | cf. 'giôngbão' ~ 'gióbão' 暴風 bàofēng 'storm' ],
nắng 陽 yáng 'sunshine' (SV dương) [ M 陽 yáng < MC jaŋ < ɬaŋ ~ nắng | MC reading 宕開三平陽以 | cf. trờinắng 太陽 tàiyáng | According to Starostin: sunshine, sunshiny place. Specific meanings attested in archaic literature are: (sunshiny place). Viet. has also a word nắng 'sunny' - which may be an earlier loan from the same source (with nasal assimilation). The character is also (since Han) sometimes written as 昜 without the radical. | Cf. Tibetan languages: Burmese: lanh be bright, clear, transparent. Kachin: leŋ3 be light, bright. Lushei: liŋ (lin) be red-hot, be aglow. Lepcha: lo/ŋ, a-lo/ŋ reflective light | V: trờinắng 太陽 tàiyáng 'sunny', ánhnắng 陽光 yángguāng 'sun ray' ],
đìa 池 chí 'pool' (SV trì) [ M 池 chí < MC ɖe < OC *ɫaj | FQ 直離 ],
ao 湖 (lake): hú (SV hồ) [ M 胡 hú < MC ɠo < OC *gha: | FQ 戶吳 | According to Starostin : For *gh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen o2, Chaozhou ou2.],
khe 溪 xī 'crevice' (SV khê) [ M 溪 xī < MC khiej < OC *khe: | MC reading 蟹開四平齊溪 | According to Starostin: mountain stream, crevice (L.Zhou). Regular Sino-Viet. is khê. Mand. has also a doublet (and more usual) reading xi: (without a MC origin),
suối 川 chuān (SV xuyên) [ M 川 chuān < MC ʨwen < OC *thon | MC reading 山合三平仙昌 | 川 chuān (xuyên) makes us think right away 'sông', but 'sông' certainly was derived from 'krong' =< 江 (phonetic stem 工 /kong/) as in Mekong (Mêkông) 湄江 Méijiāng. 川 chuān (xuyên) may not be related to /kong/ because 川 chuān appears in an older form than 江 jiāng 'sông' <~ 'krong'. In the meanwhile, 'suối' is closer to 川 chuān (xuyên) phonetically and semantically. Also, 泉 quán (SV tuyền) as 'suối' is regarded as a doublet of later development.],
lá 葉 yè 'leave' (SV diệp),
tạnh 晴 qīng, qíng 'clear sky after a rain' (SV tanh, tành, tinh, tình) [ M 晴 qīng | MC reading A: 梗開三平清從; B: 梗開三平清精 | ~ 星 xīng (tinh) ~ sao < MC sieŋ < OC *she:ŋ 桑經 | According to Starostin : Sino-Tibetan star; asterism, constellation. The character was also used in Early Zhou for another word, *tɕeŋ 'to become clear (of sky)' (MC tɕjeŋ, Mand. qíng, Viet. tình; despite Schuessler, this word is quite distinct etymologically from *she:ŋ 'star'). Since Han this word was denoted by a different character, 晴. For the latter, standard Sino-Viet. is tình, but there also exists a colloquial loan from the same source, Viet. tạnh. For OC *sh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen chĩ1, Chaozhou chẽ1. | cf. 'sao' ],

Spiritual beliefs:

Bụt 佛 fó 'Buddha' (SV Phật),
thầymo ~ phùthuỷ : 巫師 wúshī (vusư) [ @# 巫師 wūshī \ @ 師 shī ~ thuỷ (thỉ?) \ 巫 wū ~ phù \ ¶ w- ~ ph-, m- | M 巫 wú < MC mʊ < OC *mha || M 師 shī < MC ʂi < OC*srij | FQ 疏夷 | § 時 shí (thời, thì) | According to Starostin: multitude, army; (person in charge of it:) master | § thầytrò 師徒 shītú (sưđồ) demonstrates the possibility that 師 shì could evolve into 'thầy' with đ- ~ tr- (the initial đ- must be older than tr-): đồ > trò | cf. thầytrò 師徒 shītú (sưđồ) 'master and pupil', thầythợ 'master and apprentice', thầygiáo 教師 jiàoshī (giáosư) 'teacher' ],
thiêng 靈 líng 'sacred' (SV linh) [ M 靈 líng < MC lieŋ < OC *re:ŋ | ¶ l- ~ th- ],
bùa ~ bói 卜 bǔ 'devine' (SV bốc) [ M 卜 bǔ < MC puk po:k | FQ 博木 | According to Starostin : divine by bone or tortoise shell oracle ],
ma 魔 mó 'ghost' (SV ma) [ M mó < MC mwʌ < OC *mha: | Starostin: ghost, devil (Wei). The word (*mha: in Late Old Chinese) is a contraction of 魔羅 *mha:-la: < Sanskr. ma:ra 'spirit of death, evil ghost'. ]
quỉ 鬼 guǐ 'spirit' (SV quỉ) [ M 鬼 guǐ < MC kwɤj < OC *kujʔ | FQ 居偉 | According to Starostin :Sino-Tibetan spirit, ghost (apparently not spirits of the deceased) ],
thần 神 shén 'heavenly saint' (thần) [ M 神 shén < MC dʑin < OC*ljən | FQ 食鄰 ],
tiên 仙 xiān 'fairy',
hồn 魂 hún 'spirit'
trờiơi 天阿 tiānna 'Oh My Lord' (SV Thiên A),

Plants, stables, foods, meats:

lúa ~ gạo 稻 dào 'rice' (SV đạo),
hột 核 hè 'seed' (SV hạch) [ M 核 hè < MC ɠajk OC *ghrjə:k ],
lạc 落 luò 'peanut' (SV lạc),
đậu 豆 dòu 'bean' (SV đậu),
cam 柑 gām 'orange' (SV cam),
quít 桔 jú 'Mandarin citrus'(SV quất),
chanh 橙 chéng 'lemon' (SV trừng) [ modern M 'citrus' ],
trái 實 shí 'fruit' [ M 實 shí < MC ʑit < OC *lit | FQ 神質 | According to Starostin: be solid, true; actually, really. Used also for *lit 'fruit'; *lit 'be rich'. The three meanings of 實 are probably one and the same word: 'fruit' < 'to be fruitful = rich'; 'to bring fruits < be effective, true'. Viet. has also a colloquial loanword thiệt 'real, genuine'. | Modern M in later development 水果 shuíguǒ 'fruit' ~ VS 'tráicây' ],
rau 菜 cài 'vegetable' (SV thể) [ M 菜 cài < MC chɤj < OC *shjə:ʔs | FQ 倉代 | ¶ x-, s- ~ r- : ex. 蛇 shě (xà) rắn 'snake', 縮 suō (thúc) rút 'shrink'],
cải 芥 jiè, gài 'mustard' (SV giới) [ M 芥 jiè, gài < MC kjaj < OC *kɛj ],
củ 薯 shǔ 'yam' (SV thự) [ M 薯 shǔ < MC ʂjə < OC *dʑɨjə ],
tiêu 椒 jiāo 'pepper' (SV tiêu) [ M 椒 jiāo < tsjew < OC *cew | FQ 即消 | According to Starostin: Chinese prickly ash, also called Szechuan or Japanese pepper (Xanthoxylum simulans), used as condiment . Also read *ce:w, MC ciew id.; used as well in a die-sheng 椒聊 *ce:w-re:w 'pepper plant'.],
bông 葩 pā 'flower' (SV ba) [ M 葩 pā < MC bɒ < OC *bra: | ~ M 花 huā (hoa) \ Cant.: /fa11/ ],
chuối 蕉 jiāo 'banana' (SV chiêu) [ M 蕉 jiāo | MC reading 效開三平宵見 | Note: It must be a loanword from languages of the Yuè, phonetic stem: 焦 jiāo (SV tiêu, VS cháy ) 焦 jiāo < MC tsjew < OC *ɕew | FQ 即消 ],
mít 菠蘿蜜 bōlómì 'jackfruit' (balamật) [ M 菠蘿蜜 pōlómì | Note: Obviously 'mít' and 菠蘿蜜 bōlómì are related and it must have the Yuè origin ],
dưa 瓜 guā 'melon' (SV qua) [ M 瓜 guā < MC kwɑ < OC *kwra: | FQ 古華 | MC reading 假合二平麻見 | cf. dưahấu # 塊瓜 kuàiguā (khốiqua) \ V @ 塊 kuài ~ hấu ],
bèo 萍 píng (SV bình) 'duckweed' [ M 萍 píng < MC pjəjŋ < OC *bjəjɲ | cf. bèogiạt ~ lụcbình 浮萍 fúpíng (phùbình) \ V @ 浮 fú ~ lục, giạt \ ¶ f- ~ j(d)-, ex. 風 fēng (SV phong) ~ giông, gió 'wind', ¶ b- ~ l-, ex. 兵 bīng (SV binh) lính 'soldier' | M 浮 fú, fóu, pōu < MC bǝw < OC *bhǝw ],
dừa 椰 yē, yé 'coconut' (SV gia) [ M 椰 yē, yé < MC jia < OC *jia | Note: It must be a loanword from the Yue ],
bầu, bí 匏 páo 'gourd' (SV biều) [ M 匏 páo < MC bɒw < OC *bru: | FQ 薄交 | According to Starostin: gourd; calabash cup. The Viet. reading is early; the literary norm is biều. For *b- cf. Min forms: Xiamen, Fuzhou pau2, Jianou pu9 ],
hành 蔥 cōng 'onion' (SV song, thông)) [ M 蔥 cōng < MC chuŋ < OC *sho:ŋ | FQ 倉紅 | According to Starostin : Welsh onion (Allium fistulosum); of onion color, onion-green | ¶ c- ~ h- ],
tỏi 蒜 suàn 'garlic' (SV toán) [ M 蒜 suàn < MC swjən < OC *so:rs | FQ 蘇貫 | According to Starostin : Sino-Tibetan garlic (Qi). Viet. tỏi is an interesting case of replacing MC -n by -i; it probably reflects a variant *swʌ\j with the dialectal development *-r < -j. Standard Sino-Viet. is toán.],
gừng 薑 jiāng 'ginger' (SV khương) [ M 薑 jiāng < MC kaŋ < OC *kaŋ | FQ 居良 ],
muối 鹽 yán 'salt' (SV diêm') [ M 鹽 yán < MC jem < OC *am | MC reading 咸開三平鹽以 According to Starostin : Protoform: *jam (r-). Meaning: salt. Chinese: 鹽 *lam salt; 鹹 *grjə:m salt, salty. Tibetan: rgjam-chwa a k. of salt, like crystal, lgyjam-chwa a k. of rock-salt. Burmese: jamh gunpowder, saltpetre. Kachin: jam1 a k. of salt. Kiranti: *ru\m. Comments: Ben. 57; Mat. 184. | ¶ y- ~ m : ex.. yáo 舀 môi ~muỗng, yăn 眼 ~ mù 目 mắt eye, dân /jʌn/ 民 mín, diện /jiən/ 面 miàn, diệu /jiəw/ 秒 miào, danh /jaɲ/ 名 míng || cf. mặn 鹹 xián ],
đường 糖 táng (SV đường) [ this word must be of the Yue origin originated from today's Guangxi Autonomous Administrative Region in the southern part of China where craddles of sugarcanes have been well seated throughout vast farming fields since the ancient times.],
cá 魚 yú 'fish' (SV ngư),
sò 螺 luó 'clam' (SV la),
tép 蝦 xiā 'shrimp' (SV hà) [ ~ VS tôm | M 蝦 xiā < MC ɠa. Oc *ghra: | | MC reading 假開二平麻曉 | According to Starostin : frog (Han). Used only in the compound 蝦蟆 *g(h)ra:-mra: id | cf. 'nhái', 'tépriu' 米蝦 mǐxiā 'tiny shrimp'],
hến 蜆 xiàn 'mussel' (SV nghiễn) [ M 蜆 xiàn < MC xiɜn < OC he:nʔ | According to Starostin: a k. of mussel (Corbicula leana) (modern). Also read *g(h)e:nʔ, MC ɠi/en; *khe:ns, MC khi\en. The standard Sino-Viet. reading is quite irregular: nghiễn. The usage of 蜆 for 'mussel' is quite recent; the earliest attested meaning of the character (in Erya) is 'a k. of silkworm', and the word may be actually a dialectal variant of the standard 繭 *ke:nʔ 'silkworm' (q.v.). Cf. also Viet. kiến 'ant' (borrowed from the same source?) | Cant. /hin/ ],
thịt 膱 zhí 'meat' (thức) [ M 膱 zhí < MC tʂək < OC *tjək | Note: It could have also been derived from 腊 xì (tích) © M 腊 xì ]
canh 羮 gēng 'broth' (SV canh) [ M 羹 gēng < MC kɒiŋ < OC *kra:ŋ ],
cơm 膳 shàn (SV thiện) 'meal'[ M 膳 (饍) ~ 餐 cān (SV xan) ~ Viet. 'cooked rice' | M 膳 (饍) shàn < MC ʂian < OC *dʑian | cf 尚 shàng (thượng) còn | ¶ sh-, c- ~ k-(c-) ]

Body parts and anatomy:

đầu 頭 tóu 'head' (SV đầu) [ cf. sọ 首 shǒu 'skull'],
mặt 面 miàn 'face' (SV diện),
mắt 目 mù 'eye’ (SV mục),
sốngmũi 鼻梁 pìliáng 'nose' (SV tịlương),
hàm, cằm 含 hán 'chin' (SV hàm),
răng 牙 yá 'tooth' (SV nha) [ M 牙 yá < MC ŋya < OC *ŋrya:| MC reading 假開二平麻疑 | | ¶ y- ~ r-: 硬 yìng: dai ~ rắn 'sturdy', 阮 Ruăn (Nguyễn) ~ 元 yuán; 悒悒 yìyì: rayrứt 'hard feelings'; 耀 yáo: rọi 'radiate'; 隐 yǐn (riêng) as in 隐私 yǐnsī: riêngtư 'privacy'; 夭夭 yāoyāo: rậmrạp 'bushy'; 蝇 yíng: ruồi (nhặng) 'flies', 芽 yá: măng 'young shoot', 崖 yá: rặng(núi) 'mountain range', 曰 yuè: rằng 'said'; 焱 yàn: nóng 'hot' (modern Mand. rè 熱), 犬牙 quányá: răngkhểnh, # 牙肉 yáròu : nướurăng (~lợirăng) 'gum', 牙齒 yáchǐ: răngcỏ ('teeth', 牙 also means 'tusk, ivory’) | Note: Even though we do have solid ¶ y- ~ r-, the word 牙 yá is more like of 'tusk, ivory’ origin in the ancient Yue languages.],
râu 鬚 xū 'beard' (SV tu),
bụng 腹 fù 'stomach, belly' (SV phục) [ M 腹 fù < pʊk < OC *puk | ¶ OC *p- ~> b-, f- ~ b- | FQ 方六 | Bernhard Kargren: AC pịôk < OC *pịuk | According to Starostin: Tibetan: (W) ze-a~bug the maw or fourth stomach of ruminating animals. Burmese: pjəuk belly, stomach. Lushei: KC *puk. Lepcha: ta-fuk, ta-bak the abdomen, the lower part of stomach. Kiranti: *ʔpo/k. Comments: Sho puk; Kham phu: belly, abdomen; Gyarung tepok. Sh. 49, 69, 409; Ben. 77. See Shafer's list in the previous section) ] ,
đùi 腿 tuǐ 'lap' (SV thối, thoái) [ M 腿 tuǐ < MC thoj < OC *lu:jʔ | FQ 吐猥 | MC reading 蟹合一上賄透 ],
vai 背 bēi 'shoulder' (SV bội)[ In modern M this word means 'the back' and 'carry on one's back'. ],
tay 手 shǒu 'hand' (SV thủ) [ cf 'bàntay' 手版 shǒubăn, see etynomology in sections above. ],
ngực 臆 yì 'chest' (SV ức),
hông 胸 xiōng 'hips' (SV hung) [ In modern M this word means 'chest' ],
eo 腰 yiāo 'waist' (SV yêu),
đít 屁 pì 'buttocks' (SV tí) [ cf. 屁股 pìgǔ (VS phaocâu) 'chichen butt'],
sốnglưng 脊梁 jǐliáng 'spine' (SV tíchlương)[ modern M 背 bēi, cf. sốngmũi 鼻梁 pìliáng 'nose' ],
chân 足 zú 'foot' (SV túc)
giò 腳 jiăo (SV cước) [ cf. 'bànchân' 腳版 jiăobăn (feet) ], etc.

and plenty of words to name body organs: tim 心 xīn, gan 肝 gān 'liver', phổi 肺 fèi 'lung', thận 腎 shèn 'kidney', etc. of which the etymological affinity is so obvious that there is no need for explanation.

Sensual and emotional acts and feelings:

liếm 舔 tián 'lick' (SV thiểm, thiêm) [ M 舔 tián < MC thiɛm < OC *sle:mʔ | FQ 他點 | According to Starostin : to lick (Tang). Viet. liếm must be an archaic loan (unless it is a chance coincidence); standard Sino-Viet. is thiêm. | ¶ l- ~ th-: ex. thiêng 靈 líng (SV linh) 'sacred' ],
ngửi 嗅 xìu 'smell' (SV khứu) [ cf. 'hửi', also possiblly etymologically related to 聞 wén (SV văn) ],
mó, mò 'grope' 摸 mō (mô) [ VS also sờ 'touch'| M 摸 mō, mó < MC mo < OC *mha: | According to Starostin : Also read *mha:k, MC mʌk id. The character is sometimes (since Tang) used instead of 摹 *mha:, MC mo 'to copy, imitate' q.v. Standard Sino-Viet. is mô; another colloquial loan from the same source is Viet. mò 'to grope, fumble'. | ¶ m ~ s- ],
hôn 吻(脗) wěn 'kiss' (SV vẫn) [ ~ VS 'mồm' (mouth)| M 吻(脗) wěn < MC ʋyun < OC *ʋun, *mun | | ¶ w- ~ h-: ex. 問 wèn (vấn) Cant. /majŋ/ hỏi, 聞 wén (SV văn) hửi ],
lạnh 冷 lěng 'cold' (SV lãnh),
ấm 溫 wēn 'warm' (SV ôn) [ M 溫 wēn < MC ʔon < OC *ʔu:n | FQ 烏渾],
rát ~ nhức 熱 rè 'sore' (SV nhiệt) [ M 熱 rè < MC ɲet < OC *ɲet | MC reading 山開三入薛日 ],
đau 痛 tòng 'pain, sickness' (SV thống) [ M 痛 tòng < MC 痛 thʊŋ < OC *slo:ŋs | FQ 他貢 | According to Starostin : pain, sickness. Attested already in Yijing, but absent in Schuessler's dictionary.],
sợ 怕 pà 'scared' (SV phạ) [ M 怕 pà < MC pɑ < OC *phra:ks | MC reading 假開二去禡滂 | ¶ b- (p-) ~ s- | Note: It can also be derived from 怯 qiē (khiếp) khớp, 懼 jù (SV cụ), 怵 chù (SV truật)],
rầu 愁 chóu 'sad' (SV sầu) [ M 愁 chóu < MC ʐjəw < OC *dhu | MC reading 流開三平尤崇 | Dialects: Chaozhou: zoy12; Wenzhou: zau12; Changsha: cou12; Nanchang: chɜu12 ; Cant. sʌu12 | ¶ ch-, s- ~ r- : ex.. 蛇 shě (xà) rắn, 鬚 xū (tu) râu ],
vui 快 kuài 'happy' (SV khoái) [ ~ VS also 'mau' (swift ) | M 快 kuài < MC khwɑj < OC *khwra],
sướng 暢 chăng 'content' (SV xướng) [ M 暢 chăng < MC ʈhɑŋ < OC *ɫhaŋs | According to Starostin : penetrate everywhere, protrude. A later semantic development is ('to have penetrated' > ) 'to be satisfied, content'. Standard Sino-Viet. is xướng. ],
thương 疼 téng 'love' (SV đông) [ ~ VS also 'đau' (pain) cognate to 痛 téngtòng (thống) | M 疼 téng < MC thəwŋ < OC *dawŋ | MC reading 曾開一平登定 | cf. yêuthương 疼愛 téng'ài (đôngái) 'love', đauđớn 疼痛 téngtòng (đôngthống) 'painful'],
yêu 愛 ài 'love' (SV ái) [ ~ VS ưa, ưng | M 愛 ài < MC ʔɔj < OC *ʔjə:js | FQ 烏代 ],
ghét 厭 yàn 'hate',
hờn 恨 hèn 'angry' (SV hận),
thù 仇 chóu 'enmity'(SV cừu),
giúp 助 zhù 'help' (SV trợ) [ cf. bênhvực 幫助 bāngmáng ~ 包庇 bāobì VS 'take side with'],

Daily and common activities:

ăn 吃 chī 'eat' (SV 'ngật') [Note: Even though we can rely this character with the phonetic 乙 yǐ (ất) to render the sound 'ăn' in V, this character appears to be a later development, a variant of 喫 chī 'stammer'.],
xơi 食 shí 'eat' (SV thực),
uống 飲 yǐn 'drink' (SV ẩm) [ M 飲 yǐn < MC ʔɪm < OC *ʔjəmʔ | Cant. jəm21, Zyyy: ijəm2 | MC reading 深開三上寢影 ],
đi 去 qù 'walk' (SV khứ) [ M 去 qù < MC khə < OC *khaʔ | MC reading 遇合三去御溪 | According to Starostin : Also read *khaʔ-s, MC kho\, Mand. qù, Viet. khứ 'to go away, leave'. | Most of dialects read tʂy3 | ¶ q- ~ đ- ],
chạy 走 zǒu 'run' (SV tẩu) [Note: this word also means 'to go' for 'đi' in V. ],
đứng 站 zhàn 'to stand' (SV trạm) [ M 站 zhàn < MC tʂən < OC *tars | MC reading 咸開二去陷知 ],
cày 耕 gēng 'plow' (SV canh) [ M 耕 gēng < MC 耕 kaijŋ < OC *kre:ŋ | MC reading 梗開二平耕見 | According to Starostin: Sino-Tibetan a plough | Dialects: Chaozhou kẽ11, Wenzhou: kiɜ11, Chuangfeng: kiẽ11],
bú 哺 bǔ 'suck' (SV bộ) [ M 哺 bǔ < bo < OC *ba:s ],
nhìn 眼 yăn 'look' (SV nhãn) [ M 眼 yăn < MC ŋan < OC *ŋhrjənʔ | FQ 五限 | According to Starostin : eye-hole, hole; eye (L.Zhou). Also read *ŋ(h)jə:nʔ, MC ŋʔn, Mand. ěn 'convex'. In Bai the word means both 'hole' and 'eye'. | ex. nhìnchằmbẳm 眼巴巴 yănbaba 'to gaze', nhìntrừngtrừng 眼瞪瞪 yăndendeng 'stare at' ],
khóc 哭 kù 'weep' (SV khốc) [ M 哭 kù < MC khuk OC *kho:k | MC reading 通合一入屋溪 | cf. 泣 qì (SV khấp) 'weep', obviously a doublet. ],
đái, tiểu 尿 niào 'urinate' (SV niệu) [ 'tiểu' in 'tiểutiện' 小便 xiăobiàn is coincidental. ],
ỉa 屙 ē 'to shit' (SV a) [ M 屙 ē | => điỉa (Cant. /osi/ 屙屎 and 屙 /o/ is equivalent to 'ỉa'.],
táobón 便秘 biànmì (SV tiệnbí) 'constipation' [ ¶ b- ~ t-, 便 biàn for 'táo' (SV tiện), 秘 mì for 'bón' (SV bí)],
chảy 瀉 xiè (SV tả) 'diarhea'),
ngủ 臥 wò 'sleep' (SV ngoạ) [ M 臥 wò < MC ŋwʌ < OC *ŋho:js | MC reading 果合一去過疑 | Accoding to Starostin: lie down, sleep (L.Zhou). For *ŋh- cf. Chaozhou o|4, Jianou ŋo|6. | Dialects: Wenzhou: ŋ32, Chuangdeng: ŋu32, Nanchang: ŋo31 (lit.); ŋok41, Meixia : ŋɔ3, Cant.: ŋɔ32, Chaozhou: ŋo21 | ex. phòngngủ 臥房 wòfáng ~ buồngngủ 'bedroom' ],
đéo, đụ, bề 嫖 (闝) piáo 'fuck' (SV phiếu) [ M 嫖 (闝) piáo < MC phjew < OC *phew | Cant. phiu12 ~ tiu2 (coloqual) | ¶ p- ~ đ- ],
sống, đẻ 生 shēng 'live, give birth to' (SV sanh) [ M 生 shēng < MC ʂɒiŋ ~ ʂɑiŋ < OC *shreŋ ~ *shreŋs | FQ 所庚 (sanh) ~ 所敬 (sinh) | MC reading 梗開二平庚生 | Dialects: Hai. te11 (x. đẻ), Chaozhou: sẽ 11, Amoy : sĩ11 ~ cĩ11, Wenzhou siɛ1, Fuzhou chiaŋ1. | cf. xơitái 吃生: 'to eat raw' ],
chết 死 sǐ 'die' (SV tử) [ M 死 sǐ < MC sji < OC *sijʔ | MC 止開三上旨心 || It can also be 卒 zú (SV tốt) or 逝 shì (SV thệ) | M逝 shì < MC tsjai < OC *djats. According to Tsu-lin Mei 'chết' is an Austroasiatic word which was trancribed in Chinese ancient document as 札 **tsɛt 'to die'. Again, the terminology 'Austroasiatic' is seen as the 'Yue' languages trhouout in this paper. Refer to previous sections.] (Read more at The case of "chết"),
đánh 打 dă 'hit, strike' (SV đả),
chém 砍 kăn 'strike with a knife' [ cf. 斬首 zhánshǒu (chémđầu) 'behead'],
giết 殺 chà 'kill' (SV sát),
bồng, bế 抱 bào 'carry' (SV bão) [ ~ VS bưng | M 抱 bào < MC bʌw < OC *bhu:ʔ | FQ 簙浩 | MC reading 效開一上皓並 | According to Starostin : Protoform: *p(u)jəH (-k). Meaning: carry (on the back). Chinese: t *b_jəʔ carry on the back. Tibetan: a~ba to bring, carry. Kachin: baʔ2 carry a child on the back. Lushei: pua (po, puak) to carry on the back. Comments: Nung ba carry on the shoulder; Digaro ba carry (a child). Ben. 19. Cf. *phjə:wH. . For OC *bh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen phau6, Chaozhou pho4, phau4, Hai. bong4, Longdu pho6.],
khiêng, gánh, cõng 扛 káng 'carry on one's back or shoulders' (SV cang) [ ~ VS gồng | M 扛 káng < MC khɑŋ < Oc *kha:ŋs | FQ 苦浪 | MC reading 宕開一去宕溪 | According to Starostin : to set up, lift up. Also read *gha:ŋ, MC ɠʌŋ (FQ 胡郎) ],
mơ 夢 mèng 'dream' (SV mộng') [ M 夢 mèng < MC mʊŋ < OC *mhjəŋs | According to Starostin : Cf. also Viet. mơ 'to dream' (with a loss of the final nasal after a nasal initial). For *mh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen baŋ6, Chaozhou maŋ6, Fuzhou maoŋ5, moŋ5 (cf. also 懵 MC muŋ, Fuzhou moŋ5 'dark, obscure, silly') | Cant. mouŋ5 ],
trồng, giống 種 zhòng, zhǒng 'to plant, race' (SV chủng) [ ~ VS dòng (bread) | M 種 zhǒng, 種 zhòng (trồng) < MC tʂouŋ < OC *toŋʔs | FQ 之隴 | MC reading A: 通合三上腫章; B: 通合三去用章 | According to Starostin : seeds; cereals. Also read *toŋʔ-s, MC tɕo\uŋ (FQ 之用), Mand. zhòng 'to sow'. The word also means 'kind, sort, race' ( > 'seed'), which is reflected in a colloquial Viet. loanword (from another dialectal source) giống 'kind, sort; race, breed, strain'.],
đốt 燒 shāo 'to set fire' (SV thiêu) [ ~ VS sôi, sốt, thắp | M 燒 shāo < MC ʂew < OC *snɛw | Starostin: to burn, incinerate (L.Zhou). Also read *sŋew-s, MC ʂe\w, Mand. shào 'to burn (grass for fertilizing land)'. ],
cháy 焦 jiāo 'to burn' (SV tiêu) [ ~ VS nâu 'brown' \ ¶ j- ~ n- | M 焦 jiāo < MC tsjew < OC *ɕew | FQ 即消 | According to Starostin : to burn, char (L. Zhou). Shuowen says phonetic is 集 *tɕ(h)jəp; it is possible only if the latter graph was taken with the alternative reading *tɕip (see under 集). The 焦 series clearly has a *tɕ- initial (see RDFS 247); as for *-ew (not -aw), see the rhyme for 譙 (ibid., 556). A later attested meaning is 'dark yellow color'. ],
xấu 醜 chǒu 'ugly' (SV xú),
xinh 亮 liàng 'pretty' (SV lượng, VS also 'sáng' bright),
nói 話 huà 'speech' [ SV thoại | M 話 huà < MC ɠwɑi < OC *ghwra:ts | According to Starostin : speech, lecture. Standard Sino-Viet. is thoại (with unclear th-). For *ghʷ- cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou ue6, Fuzhou, Jioanou ua6. | ¶ h- ~ n- | This character could be a doublet of 辭 cí 'spoken word' lời (See below) based on the pattern ¶ hw- ~ l- : ex. 火 huǒ (hoả) lửa | cf. 舌 shě : VS lưỡi 'tongue' ]
lời 辭 cí 'spoken word' [ M 辭 cí < MC zjy < OC *lhjə | According to Starostin: lời. Sino-Tibetan words, speech; excuse, indictment, pleading. Viet. lời is an archaic loanword; regular Sino-Viet. is từ. Protoform: *ljə Meaning: speak, speech Chinese: 辭 *lhjə words, speech. Tibetan: zla, zlo (s) (p. bzlas, bzlos, f. bzlo, i. zlos) to say, tell, express. Lushei: hla a hymn, a song (KC *hla). Lepcha: li/, li-n to speak, to tell , Kiranti: *ljə , Comments: Bunan la-la. Sh. 138, Bod. 181. (Refer to Shafer's list above.) ], etc.

Animals:

cá 魚 yú 'fish' (SV ngư),
gà 雞 jī 'chicken', (SV kê),
vịt 鴨 yā 'duck' (SV áp),
ngỗng 鵝 é 'goose' (SV nga, VS also 'ngang'),
dê 羊 yáng (dương) [ M 羊 yáng < MC jaŋ < OC *laŋ | FQ 與章 | According to Starostin : Protoform: *jă(k) / *jăŋ. Meaning: goat, yak. Chinese: 羊 *laŋ sheep, goat. Tibetan: g-jag the yak. Kachin: ja3 a wild goat. Lepcha: jo/k a yak, Bos grunniens. Comments: Trung jaʔ mongrel; Yamphu ja' :-suba 'goat'.| Chaozhou : iẽ12, Shanghai : iã32],
thỏ 兔 tù 'hare' (SV thố) [ M 兔 tù < MC tho < OC *tha:ks | FQ 湯故 ],
trâu 牛 níu 'water buffalo' (SV ngưu),
bò ? 'cow' [ Like many characters in C, the true one for this is still unknown; however, this word abosolutely is cognate to those of ST languages. See Shafer's list in the previous section. ],
chó 狗 gǒu 'dog' (SV cẩu),
mèo 貓 māo 'cat' (SV miêu),
voi 為 wēi 'elephant' (SV vi) [ archaic; modern Mand. means "vì" 'because'],
cọp 虎 hǔ 'tiger' (SV hổ) [VS also 'hùm' ],
gấu 熊 xióng 'bear' (SV hùng) [ According to Bernhard Karlgren in his Philology and Ancient Chinese (pp. 135, 136) M 熊 xióng < MC ɣiung < AC g'iung < OC g'ium (by laws of dissimilation) ],
chim 禽 qín 'bird' (SV cầm),
bồcâu 白鴿 báigē 'pigeon' (SV bạchcáp, bạchcác) [ M 白鴿 báigē \ @ 白 bái ~ bồ | M 鴿 gē < MC kɤp < OC *kjə:p | FQ 古沓 | MC reading 咸開一入合見 | According to Starostin : pigeon (Tang) ],
quạ 鴉 yā 'crow' (SV nha, va) [ M 鴉 yā < MC ʔa. ʔra: | FQ 於加 | According to Starostin :crow (L.Zhou). A -r- in fixed variant of 烏 *ʔa: 'crow' q.v ],

Insects, pests, and parasites:

chí 蝨 shī 'louse' (SV siết) [ M 蝨 shī < MC ʂit < OC *srit | Pt 所櫛 ],
kén 蠶 cán 'silkworm' (SV tằm) [ M 蠶 cán < MC ʑɤm < OC *tʂjə:m ],
muỗi 螡 wén 'mosquito' [Hainanese /me11/],
ruồi 蠅 yíng 'fly' (dăng) [ ~ VS nhặng, lằng | M 蠅 yíng < MC jiŋ < OC *ljəŋ | FQ 余陵 | MC reading 曾開三平蒸以 | According to Starostin : a fly. Viet. lằng 'bluebottle' is archaic, reflecting a form like WH *ljəŋ. A later loan from the same source is probably Viet. nhặng 'bluebottle' (nh- reflecting MC j- with assimilatory nasalisation); regular Sino-Viet. is dăng. || According to Tsu-lin Mei, "ruồi" is of Austroasiatic origin ] (Read more at The case of "ruồi"),
sâu 蟲 chóng 'insect' (SV trùng) [ ~ VS trùn, giun, sán (a variety of worms)],
gián 蟑螂 zhāngláng 'cockroach' (SV trươnglang) [ VS @ 'gián' < ® M 蟑螂 zhāngláng ],
đỉa 蛭 zhì 'leech' (SV điệt) [ M 蛭 zhì < MC cít < OC*tít, < PC **tìk | Also MC tʂit < OC *tīt, *trit, | TB: sdig scorpion | Zhou Fagao : zyxlj p250: *ʧiet, ʧhiet ], etc.

Man-made objects and tools:

nhà 家 jiā 'house' (SV gia) [ ¶ j- ~ nh- ],
lều 蘆 lú 'hut' (SV lư),
cửa 戶 hù 'door' (SV hộ) [ M 戶 hù < MC ɠɔ < OC *gha:ʔ | MC reading 遇合一上姥匣 | Dialect: Shuangfeng: ɠjəu32 | According to Starostin: Sino-Tibetan door; household. Regular Sino-Viet. is hộ. Cf. also Viet. ngõ 'gate' (one of the cases of Viet. rendering Chinese stops as nasals). Protoform: *k(h)a. Meaning: open, opening. Chinese: *g_a:ʔ door. Burmese: kah to divide, be stretched apart, be spread; tam-khah door, gate. Kachin: c^iŋkha1, nkha1 door, (H) sumkha be wide open. Lushei: ka to open (as mouth, legs); mouth; KC *ka. Comments: Tangkhul kha-moŋ door, Rawang phjəŋ-kha id.; Sgaw ka to open. Sh. 46, 400, 407, 427; Ben. 120, 134; Luce 2. Cf. *Qʷyj, *Qa., *Qʷyj: door, gate 闈 *w_jəj gate. sgo door, go place, room. The Tib. form can be compared with OCh. 畿 *g_jəj threshhold or 垓 *kjə: territory; a comparison with OCh. 戶 *g_a:ʔ door (see Simon 13, Luce 2, Peiros-Starostin 217, Gong 47) is less probable, since the latter goes well together with PST *k(h)a open, opening.],
cối 臼 jìu 'mortar' (SV cữu) [ M 臼 jìu < MC gʌw < OC *guʔ ],
dao 刀 dāo 'knife' (đao) [ M 刀 dāo < MC tʌw < OC *ta:w | FQ 都牢 | ¶ d- ~ /j/- ],
bàn 案 àn 'table' (SV án) [ M 案 àn < MC ʔɒn < OC *ʔa:ns | MC reading 山開一去翰影 ],
mâm 盤 pán 'tray' (SV bàn),
ghế 椅 yí 'chair' (SV ỷ) [ M 椅 yǐ ],
rương 'suitcase' (SV sương) [ VS also 'hòm' | M 箱 xiāng < MC sjaŋ < OC *saŋ | ¶ s-, x- ~ h-, r- : ex. 鬚 xū (tu) râu | FQ 息良 ],
buồng (SV phòng) 'room' [ M 房 fáng < MC baŋ < OC* bwɒŋ | MC reading 宕合三平陽奉],
giường 床 chuáng (sàng) [ M 床 chuáng < MC ʂaŋ < OC *tʂhraŋ | FQ 士莊 | ¶ ch- ~ gi- ],
lò 爐 lú 'stove' (SV lư) ],
cũi 櫃 guì 'counter, cupboard' (SV quỹ) [ ~ VS quầy | M 櫃 guì < MC gwɨ < OC *gruts(-js) | According to Starostin : box, coffer. In Early Chou written without the 75th radical: 匱. Another colloquial loan from the same source is Viet. quầy 'counter, bar' (the word has this meaning in modern Mand., too). Regular Sino-Viet. is quỹ.],
tủ 櫝 dú 'cabinet' (SV độc) [ M 櫝 dú < MC duk < OC *lho:k | ¶ d- ~ h- ],
chén 盞 zhàn 'bowl' (SV tràn) [ M 盞 zhàn < MC can < OC *tsjre:nʔ | MC reading 山開二上產莊 ],
đũa 箸 zhú ‘chopstick’ (SV trợ, chừ, trừ) [ M 箸 zhú < MC ɖʊ < OC *dras | FQ 遲倨 | Hainanese: /du/],

thìa 匙 chí (spoon) (SV thi, chuỷ) [ ~ VS chìa | M 匙 chí < MC tʂe < OC *dhe ],
cửi 機 jī 'weaving apparatus' (SV cơ) [ ~ VS 'máy' device, 'dịp' opportunity | M 機 jī < MC kyj < OC *kjəj | According to Starostin : device, apparatus. One of the later meanings is 'circumstances, occasion' (reflected in Viet. cơ). | For 'máy', ¶ j- ~ m- : ex. 幾 jī (cơ) mấy ], etc.
đường 唐 táng (archaic) 'path' [ modern M is 道 dào (SV đạo) or 途 tú (SV đồ)],
lối 路 lù (lộ) [ Interestingly enough, among all other associated meanings that this C word conveys and concurrently exists in the V 'lối', its connotation of 'kind, sort, class, grade' is extended and blended very well in the context similar like this: '那人那麼路呢. Nà rén nàme lù ne. (Người đó saomà lối thế.) 'How arrogant that person is!'] ,
tàu 舟 zhou 'boat', etc.

Most of functional words and grammatical markers (hưtừ 虛詞 xucí), indispensable in the V language:

và 和 hé, hè 'and' (SV hoà) [ ~ VS hùa, ùa, hoạ | M 和 hé < MC ɠwʌ < OC *ghwa:j | FQ 戶戈 | MC reading A: 果合一平戈匣; B: 果合一去過匣 | Dialect: Wenzhou vu12 | According to Starostin for *ghʷ- cf. Jianou o2. Also read *ghʷa:j-s, MC ɠwʌ\, Mand. hè, Viet. hoạ 'to respond in singing, join in'. In Viet. cf. perhaps also hùa 'to follow, imitate'. ],
bị 被 bèi (grammatical passive voice) ]
từ 自 zì 'from' (SV tự) [ cf. 打 dă (SV đả) in the sense of 'from' colloqiually)],
với 與 yú 'with' (dữ) [ M 與 yǔ, yú, yù (dữ, dự) < MC jʊ < OC *laʔ | FQ 余呂 ],
cùng 跟 gēn 'along with' (SV căn) [ ~ VS gốc, gót | M 跟 gēn < MC kən < OC *kən | MC reading 臻開一平痕見 | ¶ g- (k-) ~ g- : jī 雞 (kê) gà; g- ~ k- : 岡 gāng (cương) cứng ],
tới, đến 到 dào 'to' (SV đáo) [ M 到 dào < MC tʌw < OC *ta:wʔs ],
chotới, chođến 直到 zhídào 'until' (trựcđáo) [ M 直到 zhídào \ @ 直 zhí ~ cho | M 直 zhí < MC ɖik < OC *dhrjək ],
dođó, chonên 所以 suǒyǐ 'therefore' (SV sởdĩ) [ M 所以 suǒyǐ \ @ 所 suǒ ~ cho, do \ ¶ s- ~ ch-, j-(d-), @ 以 yǐ ~ nên, đó \ ¶ y- ~ n-, d- ],
ở 於 yú 'at, in' (SV vu) [ M 於 yú < ʔə < OC *ʔa ],
đốivới 對於 'regarding' duìyú (đốivu),
vìthế 於是 yúshì 'as a result' (SV vuthị) [ VS ở, về 'at, in, in regard to' : M 於 yú (vu) < ʔə < OC *ʔa || M 是 shì < MC tʑɘ < OC *deʔ | FQ 承紙 ],
để 以 yǐ (SV dĩ) [ M 以 yǐ < MC jɤ < OC *ljəʔ | ¶ y- ~ đ- ],
tại 在 zài 'in' (SV tại) [ M 在 zài < MC ʑɤj < OC *ʑhjə:ʔ | FQ 昨宰 ],
trong 中 'inside' (SV trung),
trongkhi 'while' 正在 zhèngzài (SV chánhtại),
vì 爲 wèi 'for' (vi),
rồi了 lē 'already' (SV liễu),
vìlà 爲了 wèilē 'because' (SV viliễu) [ M 爲了 wèile \ ¶ 了 lē ~ là ],
gì, sao 啥 shà (xá)[ Beijing : 啥 shă | phonetic stem M 舍 shè < MC ʂia < OC ɕia ],
vìsao 爲什麼 wēishěme 'why' (SV vithậpma) [ ® M 爲什麼 wèishěnme | -me =< -aw (-ao) | Dialect : Beijing 為啥 wēishă ],
lẽra 其實 qíshí 'in reality' (SV kỳthực) [ also VS 'thựcra' \ @# M 其實 qíshí \ ¶ q- ~ l-, sh- ~ r- ], and so on.

Besides, all other abstract concepts and general terms are mostly of SV origin which are abundantly inundating the V vocabulary, almost any word in a paragraph or a even in a short sentence, practically. Just name one and you will get one!
a) Sino-Vietnamese words:
Below are samples of C loanwords called HánViệt or SV, dominantly of about 65% of the existing V vocabulary stock which are spelled and pronounced in a special V way. These SV lexicons have undisputedly deep roots in MC, which fits well into the old C phonological scheme with syllabic finals and tones match perfectly the old Tang's poetic rules and ancient phonological rhyming books (see Nguyễn Tài-Cẩn. 1979). Also, please note that all of them may have all matching VS words with the one-to-many relationship and even though many modern concepts originally were derived from Sino-Japanese words via the C medium the idea is the same for each core syllabic stem of many C compounds.
學 xué ~ học 'study', 文 wén ~ văn 'literature', 詩 shī ~ thi 'poetry', 樂 yuè ~ nhạc 'music', 練 liàn ~ luyện 'practice', 福 fú ~ phước 'luck', 公 gōng ~ công 'public', 私 sī ~ tư 'private', 錢 qián ~ tiền 'money', 祖國 zǔguó ~ tổquốc 'nation', 江山 jiāngshān ~ giangsan 'country', 家庭 jiātíng ~ giađình 'family', 男 nán ~ nam 'male', nǚ 女 ~ nữ 'female', 福女 fùnǚ ~ phụnữ 'woman', 青年 qīngnián ~ thanhniên 'youth', 政府 zhèngfǔ chínhphủ 'government', 自由 zìyóu tựdo 'liberty', 資本 zīběn tưbản 'capitalist', 投資 tóuzī ~ đầutư 'investment', 經濟 jīngjì ~ kinhtế 'economics', 心理學 xīnlǐxué ~ tâmlýhọc 'psychology', 文人 wénrén ~ vănnhân 'literati', 學者 xuézhě ~ họcgiả 'scholar', 教堂 jiàotáng ~ giáođường 'church', 大學 dàxué ~ đạihọc 'university', 主日 Zhǔrì ~ Chủnhật 'Sunday', etc.
In C, even though each character in dissyllabic words above can be used independently as a complete word, this class of words is considered as dissyllabic words by C specialists. However, in V, many of those syllables in the SV dissyllabic words are not free to be used on their own. That is to say, they can only appear in one combination or another. Just like those words of Latin or Greek origins in English we have something like sociologist, historian, librarian, intersection, missionaries, etc. in which Chinse equivalents of radicals such as "socio", "libra", or "inter"... cannot be used the way they plainly are.
b) Sinitic-Vietnamese words:
Ăn 吃 chī 'eat', uống 飲 yǐn 'drink', đái 尿 niào 'urinate', ỉa 屙 ē 'to shit', đẻ 生 shēng 'give birth', ngànhnghề 行業 hángyè 'profession', trướctiên 首先 shǒuqiān 'firstly', thươngyêu 疼愛 téngài 'loving', thùhằn 仇恨 chóuhèn 'hatred', tứcgiận 生氣 shēngqì 'anger', trôngmong chờđợi 期待 qídài 'waiting', sânkhấu 劇場 jùchăng 'stage', trườnghọc 雪堂 xuétáng 'school', tầmbậy 三八 sānbā 'non-sense', giôngbão 暴風 băofēng 'rainstorm', đấtđai 土地 tǔdì 'land', chốitừ 推辭 tuìcí 'refuse', rútlui 退走 tuìzǒu 'withdraw', lẽsống 理想 líxiăng 'ideal', căngthẳng 緊張 jǐnzhāng 'stressful', riêngtư 隱私 yǐnsī 'privacy', chửimắng 咒罵 zhòumà 'scolding', trongsạch 清潔 qīngjié 'clear and clean', banngày 白日 báirì 'morning time', bantrưa 白晝 báizhòu 'noon time', tốităm 黑暗 hēiàn 'darkness', buồngngủ 臥房 wòfáng 'room', quêhương 家鄉 jiāxiāng 'homeland', lánggiềng 鄰居 línjū 'neighbour', bầubạn 陪伴 péibàn 'accompany', chúbác 叔伯 shūbó 'uncles', bốmẹ 父母 fùmǔ 'parents', anhchị 兄姐 xiōngjiě 'siblings', cậumợ 舅母 jìumǔ, 'uncle and aunty', xơitái 吃生 chīshēng 'eat raw, swallow', đánhcá 打魚 dăyú 'fishing', đánhbạc 賭博 dǔbó 'gambling', ănthua 輸贏 shūyíng 'competing', suônsẻ 順利 shùnlì 'smoothly', bồihồi 徘徊 páihuái 'melancholy', bắtcóc 綁架 băngjià 'kidnap', chạngvạng 旁晚 pángwăn 'dusk', hòhẹn 約會 yuèhuì 'dating', côngcuộc 工作 gōngzuò 'task', xinlỗi 見過 jiànguò 'apology', tiềncủa 錢財 qiáncái 'wealth', củacải 財產 cáichăn 'property', đánhcắp 打劫 dăjié 'rob', ngâythơ 幼稚 'naive', khônlanh 靈巧 língqiáo 'quick and intelligent', lanhlợi 伶俐 línglì 'witty', etc....
Like SV, these VS words are also C loanwords, as opposed to cognates of basic etymons, but they have been completely "Vietnamized" or localized. Some of them may have an older age than those of MC from which the SV vocabulary has been derived. Many of them are complete variations or modifications of original words which may or may not still carry the same original meanings. In most of the cases they are just other versions of an original form appearing in all shapes and sights with different spellings and pronunciations and have been even coined with new material. Somewhat similar examples in English are like those of "familial" and "familiar", "infant" and "infantile", "coffee" and "café", "blond" and "blondie", "road" and "route", "aerospace" and "airspace", "grand" and "grandiose", "entrance" and "entry", "serpent" and "serpentine", or like varied usages of foreign loanwords such as "chaomein", "shusi", "burrito", "taco", "kowtow", "typoon", "kindergarten", "wagon", "vendor", "agent", "bourse", "rendezvous", "accord", "regard", "guard" , "résumé", "exposé", "mercy", "pardon", "à la carte", "en masse", etc.
In fact, many common V words of C origin can be extended to a very much larger number than those quoted in the examples above — the long list of those words supposedly to give you an idea of how large magnitude of the C influence is on the V vocabulary — than the extent of those basic words in the V linuistic substrata. Except for later loanwords, those fairly common words either could have originated or evolved from the same roots with those of Chinese. Interestingly some of those words have been identifeied as words from non-Han languages used by non-Han speakers in areas of today’s southern China, commonly known as descents of the Yuè, or BáchViệt, or speakers of Austroasiatic languages as currently referred to by linguistic specialists, such as:
- sông 江 jiāng ‘river’,
- đường (đàng) 糖 táng ‘sugar’,
- dừa 椰 yě ‘coconut’,
- chuối 蕉 jiāo ‘banana’ ,
- mít 菠蘿婆 pōlómì 'jackfruit',
- sầuriêng 榴蓮 líulián ‘durian’,
- chanh 橙 chéng 'lemon' [ modern Mandarin: lǐngmèng 欞檬 ≤ Eng. 'lemon', 橙chéng is to denote a kind of citrus ],
- trầu 檳榔 bīngláng [ < blau],
- ná 弩 nú 'crossbow',
In any cases, the list can go on and is inexhaustible, not just limited to those cited examples above. The main point to be made here is nobody can do that with any of the MK languages, not to mention other peculiar linguistic traits both languages share in the realms of morphology, phonetics, tones, as well as metaphorical idioms, linguistically distinctive expressions, share much of their grammar, including classifiers and grammatical markers and prepositions and conjunctions, and any other linguistic minutes. None of any of other MK languages (except for some characteristics that Miao dialects have in common if they are classified as MK languages as Forrest did) has any traits or slight suggestions of such linguistically distinctiveness.
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(1) V speakers with ten-based counting consciousness with cognitive concepts such as cặp 雙 shuāng, đôi 對 duì, cócặp 有雙 yǒushuāng, songđôi 雙對 shuāngduì (all signifying pair, being in pairs), chẳn (整 zhěng 'wholeness', 'even numbers'), 6, 8, 9, 10, superstitiously believed to be lucky numbers, originating from those of the Chinese, standing for lộc (blessings) 祿 lù, phát (prosperity) 發 fā, cửu (everlasting) 久 jǐu, and thập (wholesomeness) 十 shí, respectively, while 4 and 7 being bad numbers for their sounding like chết (death) 死 sǐ (SV tử), in addition to other concepts such as chục (十 shí =10), đôitám (đôi 對 duì + tám 八 bā =16), đôimươi (đôi 對 duì + mươi 十 shí = 20), etc., is much at odds with the MK 'pram' five-based system. Just for the record, here are some samples of modern Khmer from 6 to 9, etc.:
and some alternatives forms which certainly have nothing to relate to those in V, neither are those Middle or Old Khmer.

(2) For example, loanwords in the 12 animal zodiac table in Chinese borrowed from the Yue languages could include 子 zǐ (SV tý, cf. VS chuột) for 'rat' , for 午 wǔ (SV ngọ, cf. VS ngựa) 'horse', wèi 未 (SV mùi, cf. VS dê) for 'goat', 亥 hài (SV hợi, cf. VS heo) for 'boar', etc. as they appear as representatives for 12 animals — with the only exception of 'hare' 兔 tù (SV thố, VS thỏ), for some taboo reason, which has been used to substute 卯 măo (SV mão, cf. VS mèo) while this word is obviously to denote 'cat' as it appears uniformly in other languages including those of Daic and MK. However, that is not the same case with the Chinese 江 jiāng (V sông 'river'), 虎 hǔ (V cọp 'tiger'), or 狗 gǒu (V chó 'dog'), or 牙 yá (V ngà 'ivory). Even though these words also have Yue origin, they should be considered as to have originated from the same root as those in VS. This fact by no means constitues a genetic affiliation — so do those of numerals in V in comarison to what appears in MK languages — and while the V terms for 'răngkhểnh' (canine tooth, cuspid) or 'ngồixổm' and 'chồmhổm' (to squat like a dog) should be seen as having their origin from the Chin. 犬齒 quánchǐ (=犬牙 quányá \ @ 牙 yá ~ tooth VS 'răng') and 犬坐 quánzuò (犬 quán = 'dog'), both the V 'nonsông' (country) and 'hùnghổ' (gungho) are culturally-accented loanwords from 江山 jiāngshān (cf. SV 'giangsan') and 猛虎 měnghǔ (SV 'mãnhhổ') which had entered the V vocabulary only after this language had been long well established and had developed with its own distinctiveness, that is, after it had completed its total break-up from the Vietmuong group to form its own Vietic-Annamese linguistic branch.
(3) Just like the becoming of what is known as the Chinese languages, the fusion of the "pre-Chinse" migrants who came from the upper north of the Yellow River with those aborigine who had already been inhabiting in both sides of the Yangtze Rivers in ancient times had begun giving rise to what is now known as the Han and the later Chinese thereafter.
(4) Let's pause a bit here to take an interesting note about tonality. In the last few decades, linguists and language educators alike in the USA, Canada, and other countries such as Australia, France... in doing research on Vietnamese and Chinese youngsters' process of acquisition of languages, have wondered at what age they acquire "tones" and whether the kids pick them up when they first learn the first words in their life or later on. The answer for this question is obvious: they have acquired the tones as they first acquired their mother's tongues — the tones did not come at later stages of language acqusition.
(5) I get this percentage figure by taking sample pages from a typical Vietnamese dictionary and count them. Give me a sample page, I will be able to show you approximately the same statistical number as foresaid, or just examine examples of those etyma cited throughout this paper you will reconcile yourself to that figure.

ā ē ě ī ǐ ă ō ǒ ū ǔ ǖ ǘ ǚ ǜ ü û ɔ ɑ ɪ ɛ ɤ ə¯ ŋ ɯ ɪ ʔ ʃ ö ä ü ɐ ɒ æ χ ɓ ɗ ɖ ɱ ʿ ʾ θ ñ ŕ ţ ť tś ı ć ¢ ď Ā ź dź ƫ ć ń ç ď ş ŗ ż ſ ņ ʷ ɲ ʈ ɫ ɬ ʈ ƫ ʐ ɣ Ś ¯¯ ¯ ˉ