Similarity in cross-linguistic-family vocabularies proves no genetic relation

 

 

Vietnamese       Chinese
What Makes Chinese so Vietnamese?

An Introduction to Sinitic-Vietnamese Studies

DRAFT
Table of Contents

dchph

 

Chapter Nine

IX) Similarity in cross-linguistic-family vocabularies proves no genetic relation

Luce, G. H. (1965) in "Danaw, a Dying Austroasiatic Language" (pp. 104- 129) (pronounced /tʿănɔʔ/, a Tibeto-Burmic tribal language of a hill tribe in Burma) has put out 2 sets of word-list totaled 245 entries, including those of basic words, with correspondences in many Austroasiatic languages as purposedly listed in the first set that includes Mon, Danaw, Riang (/rəyɑŋ/), Palaung (Panku) , and Wa (Tung Wa). For the second list, V forms appeared amidst other Austroasiatic languages such as Khmer, Bahnar, Mundari, and even Javanese and Malay of Austronesian as well as Old Burmese of Tibeto-Burmic linguistic families. Interestingly enough, many of them in cross-linguistic-family vocabularies appear cognate to those of V. For this matter, when examing the second list bear in mind that not all of these languages appear in each listed item and they are crossed-linguistic-family listed, that means loanwords, inevitably, exist among them (this extra note is good enough for non-specialists in this linguistic field, unless otherwise proved.)

With many lexicons being similar to those of V in Luce's detailed lists, probably the same data that the AA specialists had used to classifying V as a MK language, in the space added to the listings below I would like to bring in the C elements to match those etyma which I think could be plausible candidates for being considered as cognates or derived words in V. The main reason for me to bring them up, even with those iterms that lack the V form, is to associate them with those V terms which appear also cognate to those in the ST linguistic family of which many could have had common roots with the Yue, hence, that would pave way for us us to put all V, C, and AA-MK forms in the proto-Taic, if not the ancient Yue, basket; otherwise, we find it hard to explain why all etyma from the three different linguistic families are similar. Such purported association is in turn to serve the purpose of placing the ancestral Yue roots ahead of those sinitic elements.

A) Basic word lists at crossroads


(Note: Some irrelevant items of those languages totally non-cognate to the Vietnamese etyma listed in Luce's two tables are intentionally omitted here. Also, the first V notation in V starting in each item, if any, e.g., "Viet. /nhà/...", is originally cited by Luce.
Star *to *****is to indicate degree of V and C cognateness in listed each item.)

Vietnamese/English Mon-Khmer etymologies Chinese Comments
       
hai 'two' Old Mon /bār/, modern /ɓa/, Old Khmer /ver, vyar/, Bahnar /ɓar/, Mundari /bar/Chin. 二 èr ‘two’ nhị (SV), M 二 èr < MC ɳɨ < OC *nijs | FQ 而至 | SV 'nhị' /ɲej6/ > /nhej/ > /hej1/ > /hai/1 ? | cf. V 'hăm' 廿 niàn (V nhập) 'twenty-', ex. 廿一 niànyī (SV nhậpnhất) 'hămmốt' (twenty-one) | In late Zhou 再 zài (SV tái) could be used as 'hai'. In modern M 再三 zàisān mean 'two or three times'. **Phonetic rendered with this item sounds like 'ba' (three) in V, but it cannot be because if so this sound will actually takes place of the actual 'ba' then, V cognate is not mentioned in this item. It is also interesting to see that number 'one' is not listed in Luce's listings. See more down below.
ba 'three' Old Mon /piʔ/ mod. /pi/, Old Khmer /pɪ/, Bhanar /pɛŋ/), Mundari /apɪ/Chin. 三 sān, sàn (SV tam), M 仨 sā (ta) ~ M 三 sān, sàn < MC sɑm < *OC sjə:m | cf. băm 卅 sā 'thirty-', 卅二 sà'èr (tạpnhị) bămhai 'thirty-two' | See more below.**Like một 'one' 一 yi (SV nhất), this C etymon could have been a plausible candidate if there is not 'bốn' (four) that follows. V cognate is not included in this item.
bốn 'four' Viet. /bốn/, Old Mon /pan/ mod. /pan/, Danaw /pən/, Palaung /p'Un/, Wa /pɔl2, pɔn2/, Old Khmer /pon/, Mundari /upun/, Bhnar /pūən/For Chin. see elaboration down below.*If there is no general concensus in the linguist circle about the V numerals one to five to be cognates with those of MK, C 四 sī could have been included for investigation then.
năm 'five' Viet. /năm/, Old Khmer /prām/For C 五 wǔ see elaboration down below.*It looks like the only plausible candidate is in the Old Khmer etymon cited here while all others in other languages seem diverged with variants, that is, in different ahapes and sounds.
sáu 'six' Viet. /sáu/, Old Mon /taraw/, mod. /tarau/, Wa /lyah5/For Chin. 六 līu, highly plausible a cognate to V 'sáu', see enumeration down below.***In all other languages the etyma appear in polysyllabic form with the common last syllable as -ru. As we all may already know, there is no 'six' in Khmer, but 'five plus one' equivalent.
bảy 'seven' Old Mon /dumpoh/, mod. /t'apah/, Danaw /pat4/, Palaung /pu2/, Sakai /tempo/, Bahnar /təpət/, Srê /pɔh/, Piat /pôh/, P'aman /p'ua/, Lemet /pul/*For Chin. 七 qī see elaboration down below*Like 四 sī, 七 qī is another speculative case for V. In Khmer, like six, there are no seven, eight, nine, and ten.
tám 'eight' Viet. /tám/, Old Mon /dincām/, mod. /dacām/, Danaw /tsɑn/, Riang White /pər\tɑʔ-/, Black /pər\tɑʔ-/, Palaung /ta/, Wa /n\dɑiʔ3/, Bahnar /təhŋam/, Srê /p'am/, Lemet /ta/ Khatia /t'am/, Savara /tamji/For Chin. 八 bā see elaboration down below.*八 bā is another speculative case for V.
chín 'nine' Old Mon /dincit/, mod. /dacit/, Danaw /tsən4/, Riang White /tɪ:m/, Black /tɪm/, Palaung /tɪ:m2/, Wa /dɪ:m2/Chin. 九 jǐu (SV cửu), M 九 jǐu < MC kʌw < OC *kwjəʔ | See enumeration down below. ***If all other V numerals are not cognate with those of Chin. etyma, then this is only another speculation along with 'six' 六 līu and probably 'two' 二 èr and 'three' 三 sān.
mười 'ten'(None applicable)(None applicable)*Nothing looks alike here in all languages involved. For Chin. 十 shí (SV thập) we have 'chục' in V while 'mươi' is just speculative like other cases 'four', 'five', 'seven', and 'eight. See more elaboration down below.
trăm 'hundred' Viet. /trăm/, Old Mon and mod. /klam/, Riang White /pər-yɑ\ /, Black /pər-yɑ\ /, Palaung /păyɑh/, Khasi /spah/, Old Burmese /ryā/Chin. 百 băi < MC pɐk < OC *prak | According to Starostin: Protoform: *rja: (p-) Chinese: *pra:k hundred. Tibetan: brgja hundred. Burmese: ra hundred, LB *rja. Kachin: l@ca1 hundred. Lushei: za hundred, KC *p-rkya\ (?). Comments: Gurung bhra, Thakali bhra; BG: Dimasa ra>dz/a, Garo ritts/a; Kanauri ra; Thebor gya; Rgyarung pa>rye; Rawang ya, Trung c^a1. Simon 14; Sh. 42, 136, 123; Ben. 45; Mat. 171. | ¶ b- ~ tr- (bl- ~ tr-), p- ~ tr-, OC *pr- ~ tr- , ex. 白 bái (SV bạch, VS trắng) 'white' *The C cognate is subject to speculaton.)
ai 'I' Old Mon /ey/, mod. /ʾai/, Danaw /oʔ1/, Riang White /oʔ-/, Black /oʔ-/,Palaung /ɑ2/, Wa /ɑəʔ1/, Old Khmer /añ/, Bahnar /iñ/, Khasi /nga/, War /ñia/, Mundari /aiŋ, iŋ, iñ/, Kurku /iŋ/~ VS ta, tôi, tao | Chin. there is 咱 zá (SV tá). | M 我 wǒ < MC ŋʌ < OC *ŋha:jʔ | In C there also exist several characters for the first person pronoun which can be related to several words in V and one of which could be the word 俺 án, ăn (> 'ai') in its old and coloquial usage, probably still popular in northeast regions of China (see the classic novels 三國演義 'Romance of the Three Kingdom' or 水滸傳 'The Water Margins') as the first personal pronoun for someone to call oneself when addressing to an old older person. This word also points to 'em' (literally 'younger bother' and a form of self-addressing pronoun 'I' in humble position in V.) ***'Ai' is a Proto-Vietic form which is cognate to those in all MK languages. In the meanwhile the Chin. 我 wǒ, SV 'ngã', seems to be recent development.
mình 'we' (exclusive) ' Old Mon /poy/, mod. /puiai/V. 'mình' <~ 'chúngmình' <~ Chin. M 咱們 zánměn (SV tamôn) | M 們 mén < MC mon < OC *mjə:n ****Other Luce's listed cognates do not sound anything like 'mình', 'chúngmình', or 'chúngtôi' at all.
mầy 'thou' Viet. /mày/, Old Mon /beh/, mod. /beh/, Danaw /mɤʔ1/, Riang White /mɪʔ\ /, Black /mɪʔ\ /, Palaung /méɪ2/, Wa /mɑɪʔ3/, Semang /pāy/, /meh/, Nicobarese /mẽ/, T'eng /mé/, Khasi /mé/, Mundari /am/, /me/~ VS 'mi' | Chin. 你 nǐ (SV ni) | M 你 nǐ < MC niej < OC *nhe:jʔ | Actually in Chin. there are several other scholarly characters such as 爾 ér, 汝 rú, etc. all point to elevated modern second singular personal pronoun 你 nǐ ~ 'mày, mày, mi...' in V ***Though there is no doubt that there are cognates among listed languages in this item, but the cross linguistic family similarity makes one wonder if they are the same cases as those of pa, ma, mat, som, etc. ?
bay 'ye'No listings for modern and Old Mon, Danaw /pɤ1/, Riang White /péʔ-/, Blak /péʔ-/, Palaung /pɛ`2/, Wa /pɛ'1/, T'eng bò, Khasi phʾ, Maundari /pe/. See 'mày'No Chin. form applicable**'bay' is a variant of 'mày' as in V 'tụibay' ~ 'tụimày', 'bọnbay' ~ 'bọnmày', to which they could be possibly cognate to '你們 nǐmén (SV nimôn).
nó 'he, she' Old Mon /dehh/, mod. /ɗeʾ/, Danaw /anʾ4/, Riang /ɤn-/, Black /hnʔ-/, Palaung /an2/, Wa /an2/, Nicobarese /an/, Mundaria /diya/Chin. 他 tā (SV tha) | M 他 tā, tuō, duò < MC thʌ < OC *sla:j < PC **la:js | According to Starostin: other, different, Protoform: *la:j (s-), Meaning: other. Chinese: 他 *sla:j another. Burmese: ta-lij someone. Lushei: hlei (hlei?) compared with the other. | ¶ t-(th-) ~ n-, h- ***The V 'nó' is plausibly a cognate with that of Chin 他 tā. Another possibility is 其 qí (SV kỳ), ¶ q- ~ n-
chúng 'they' Old Mon /deh t-eh/, mod. /ɗeʾ taʾ/, Danaw /kʿɤʔ1,3/, Riang White /kɤʔ\ /, Black /kəʔ\ /, Palaung /kɛ`2/, Wa /kʿɛʔ/, Old Khmer /ke/'chúng' < 'chúngnó' < Chin. 他們 tāmén ***Could it be also a cognate of 'kẻ' as in 'kẻkhác' #其他 qítā (SV kỳtha, VS 'kkác')? The V form 'kẻ' is similar to /ke/ but the Mon forms, /deh t-eh/, mod. /ɗeʾ taʾ/, look like 'tụinó'.
trai 'male'(human) Old Mon /trūs/, mod. /truʾ/, Danaw /pʿrɔh2/, Khmer /prus/Chin. 丁 dīng (SV đinh) ( M 丁 dīng, zhēng < MC tieŋ, taiŋ < OC *te:ŋ, *trēŋ | 子 zǐ (SV tử) in ancient usage means both 'trai' (male) and 'gái' (female) ( M 子 zī, zǐ, zì, zí, cí (tử, tý) < MC tsjɤ, tsjy < OC *cɑʔ *cɑʔs and it's doublet is 仔 zǐ, zī (SV tử, tể, tế) < MC tsz < OC *tsɨ | QĐ zai21 | ex. Cantonese 仔仔 /zai24zai21/ (contrai) ****All other forms seem irrelevant for this item except for Khmer initial cluster pr- to point to V tr-.
đực 'male'(animal) Old Mon /kmak/, mod. /kmak/Chin. 特 tè (SV đặc) | M 特 tè, té < MC dʌk < OC *dhǝ̄k | Note: this etymon means male (animal) in ancent time. According to Starostin: male animal, bull. Used also for homonymous *dhǝ̄k 'be straight-rising'; *dhǝ̄k 'a match, a mate'. In later times the character was frequently used instead of 犆 *dhǝ̄k 'single; special' q.v. The regular Sino-Viet. form is đặc. || § 犆 tè (đặc) < MC dʌk < OC *dhǝ̄k | According to Starostin: After Zhou written usually as 特 (q.v.), with a more broad meaning 'special'. *****While the C and V forms are sure cognates, all other Luce's listed etymologies seem irrelevant for this item except for what looks like inital cluster km- with no correspondences in both Khmer and V.
vợ 'wife' (Luce: 'woman, female', 'vợ')' Old Mon /brow/, mod. /brau/, Danaw /kămyaʔ3/, Riang White /réŋ\ /, Black /rɪŋ\ /, Palaung /kăloŋ2/, Wa /méŋ/, Kasi /briew/, /briw (=homoFor Chin. there is 婦 fù (SV phụ) for Luce's 'vợ' as in 寡婦 guăfù (SV quảphụ, VS goábụa 'widow') (M 婦 fù < MC bjəw < *OC bjəʔ) and 婆 pó (SV bà) for 'woman' M 婆 pó < MC bwʌ < OC *bha:j) *****As 婦 fù is also cognate to V 'bụa', in other languages the initial form br- can be associated with both 'bụa' and 'bà' while the -eng and -ong forms also appear to be related to the form 'nàng' 娘 niáng (SV nương) 'girl, woman'. The Khmer cognate is absent for this item. Besides, for 'vợ', there exist another form that shows C and V cognate, that is, 妻 qi (SV thê), ¶ q- ~ v-
ba, bố 'father' Old Mon /amba/, /abaʾ/, mod. /ma/, Danaw /pɑ4/, Old Khmer /vāpa/, Old Javanese and Malayan /bapa/, Khasi /kpa/, Mundar /aba'/Chin. for V 'ba' is 爸 bā (SV ba) and 'bố' for 父 fù (SV phụ) *****While /pa/ and /ma/ are similar to almost all languages on earth, all other forms in Luce's do not sound like they are cognates while the C 父 fù and V 'bố' forms are doubtless cognate.
má, mẹ 'mother' Old Mon /ambo/, /aboʾ/, mod. /bo/, Danaw /mɑɪʔ3/, Riang White /marʾ/, Black /maʔ/, Palaung /mɑ2/, Wa /meʔ3/, /maʔ3/Chin. for 'má' is 媽 mā, 'mẹ' 母 mǔ (also 'mợ') | (See elaborationration in the previous section.) *****Like 'bố' being cognate to 父 fù, C 母 mǔ and V 'mẹ' are definitely of the same source.
con 'child' Viet. /con/, Old Mon kon/, mod. /kon/, Danaw /kon4/, Riang White and Black /kuan/, Palaung /kɔn2/, Wa /kɔn2/, Old Khmer /kon/, /kun/, Sakai /kěnon/, Semang /kodn/, Nicobaese /kōan/, Shom Peng /köat/, Pʿman /kʿuan/, Bahnar /kon/, T'eng /kon/, Khasi /khún/, War /hūn/, Mundari /hon/, /hɔn/, Sav /on/, Gad /ōdu-ōn, Kurku /kōn/Chin. 子 zǐ (SV tử), Fukienese /kẽ/ | See further elaboration below. ****Except for that of Chin. 子 zǐ (SV tử), Fukienese /kẽ/ there is no doubt that all the forms are almost the same in this item.
nội, ngoại 'grandfather' Old Mon /lwaʾ/, mod. /la/, Danaw /tɑ1/, Riang White and Black /tɑʔ/, Palaung /tɑ3/, Wa /tɑʔ1/, Old Khmer /atā/ (=old man)Viet. 'ông' is derived Chin. 阿公 āgōng (SV acông) to encompass both maternal or paternal grandfathers (M 公 gōng < MC kuŋ < OC *klo:ŋ) to accomodate lexical variants in a wide range of speeches which tend to speicalize in terms to address kinship. There exist the C 外公 wàigōng (VS #ôngngoại) but none for 內公 nèigōng (SV nộicông) probably due to dialectal differentiations, for instance, 'paternal grandfather' in modern Mandarin is 爺爺 yéye or Hainanese and Fukienese 阿公 āgōng. While there is no doubt that the V 'ngoại' 外 wài was derived from 外公 wàigōng (#ôngngoại 'maternal grandpa'), the V 'nội' 內 nèi for 'paternal grandpa' is simply a deduction from the former (內 nèi vs. 外 wài). ****There is no distinction from the mother's or father's side for the word 'grandfather' as listed here. Amusingly enough, for all the forms of they seem to be similar to the V /tiá/ but that is cognate to 爹 diè (VS 'cha') in Chin. to mean 'daddy'. See more in the Sino-Tbetan chapter.
bà 'grandma' Old Mon /abow/ (?), mod. /bau/, Danaw /yaʔ1/, Riang White and Black /yaʔ\ /, Palaung /yā2/, Wa /yeʔ3/, /yaʔ3/, Old Khmer /aji/, Mundari /jia/Chin. 婆 pó is for V 'bà', but 'bà' also means 'woman, old woman'. Specifically 'maternal grandmother' is 'bàngoại' 外婆 wàipó (SV ngoạibà). However, like that of the case of 'ôngngoại' above, there exists no 內婆 nèipó for 'bànội' paternal grandmother), wherein modern Mandarin is 奶奶 năinài. *****'bà', 'bànội, 'bàngoại' are from Chin. while the b- form point to V 'bà', /ye/ and /ya/ forms somehow look like '爺爺 yéyě 'paternal grandpa'. In all probabilities they may not be related at all for the form /yeye/ is common in many languages.
cháu 'grandchild' Viet. /cháu/, Old Mon /cow/, mod. /cau/, Ranaw /tapli4/, Riang Black White /pli-/, Palaung /hlan3/, Wa /kɔn4 sɑ'əʔ/, old Khmer /cau/, Sakai /chěn-oʔ/, Besisi /kin-chu/, Semang /kanchɔʔ/, Malay /chuchu/, Bahnar /sâu/, T'eng /jeʔ/, Khasi /khsiw/, Old Burmese /mliy/Chin. 姪 zhí (SV điệt) | M 姪 (侄) zhí < MC trɦit < OC *drit ****Most of the above forms are similar to V 'cháu', including the Chin. /zhí/. While acknowledging their plausible cognates, I could not help asking the question "Is it the same case as /pa/, /ma/, /mat/, etc., in the world's languages?"
goá 'widowed' Old Mon /kamāy/ (Mid. M.), mod. /kmāai/, Danaw /mɑiʔ3/..., Riang White /kɤmɑi\ /, Black /kəmɑi-/, Palaung /kămɑ'i2/,/kămɑ'i2/ Wa /mɑi2/, Old Khmer /māy/, T'eng /boi/, K'mu /boi/, Old Burmese /kmay/, Shan /mai/, Chin /hmeɪ/, /meɪ/Chin. 寡 guă | M 寡 guă < MC kwɑ < OC *kwra:ʔ | FQ 古瓦 = /kwa5/ | ex. 寡婦 guăfù (SV quảphụ, VS goábụa ~ bàgoá 'widow'. This dissyllabic word also gives rise to 'ởvậy' (widowed), in V, literally, 'to live the same old way') *****The /boi/ form is somewhat related to /bua/ and probably the /mai/ to /quả/ or /kamai/ to 'ởvậy'. In the meanwhile 'goá' in V. was definitely derived from Chin. by way of 寡婦 guăfù as /wa3buə6/, cf. 婦 fù (SV phụ) for 'bụa' or 'vợ, 'wife'. See item 'vợ' above for enumerations.
mo 'witch, wizard' Mon mod. /bamuai/, Danaw .../pʿriʔ3/, Riang White and Black .../pʿrɛʔ3\ /, Palaung /bréi2/, T'eng /mòhrói/Chin. 巫 wū | ex. 'thầymo' 巫師 wūshī, also 'phùthuỷ' | M 巫 wū, wú < MC mʊ < OC *mha *****'thầymo' and 'phùthuỷ' are a sure cognate to C 巫師 wūshī.
tên 'name' Old Mon /yamo/, /imoʾ/, mod. /imu/, Danaw /maʔ2/, Riang White and Black /mus\ /, Palaung /jɯ3/, Wa /tjɯ3/, Old Khmer /jmah/, /jimoh/, Srê /təməh/, T'eng /səŋmɤ/Chin. 姓 xìng (SV tính) | M 姓 xìng < MC sjɜŋ < OC *seŋs | FQ 息正., ex. 那姓習的是個流氓. Nà xìng Xí de shìgèlíumáng. (Cái tên Tập đó là kẻ lưumanh.) The guy named Xi there is a bum.'****All listed forms and some others do not seem to be cognate to V 'tên' except that of C which means 'surname' in modern C.
Xiêm 'Shan' Viet. /xiêm/, Mon mod. /sem/, Riang White and Black /sʿɛm-/, Palaung /sɪm2/, Wa /ʃiɛ`m2/, Old Khmer /syām/, Malay /sɪam/, Biat /chiăm/, P'u-man sien/, Old Burmese /syam/Chin. 暹 Xián as in 暹羅 Xiánluó (SV Tiêmla) (VS Xiêmla) ****V 'xiêm' has come by way of the Chin. form for sure. In English it is also known as 'Siam' but not the same as 'Shan'.
Miến 'Burmese' Old Mon /mirmār/, mod. /bamā/, Danaw /mlan2/, Riang White /mɤrɑn/, Black /məran/, Palaung /brɑn/, /brɔn/, Old Burmese /mranmā/, Chinese /mien/, Shan manChin. 緬 Miàn as in 緬甸 Miăndiàn (SV Miếnđiện) *****Like 'xiêm' V 'miến' is called after that of the same word in Chin.
Hẹ 'Chinese' Mon mod. /kruk/, Danaw /ché4/, Riang White and Black /kʿɛ`-/, Palaung /kɛ`3/, Wa /hɔʔ1/, Old Burmese /taruk/Chin. 客 Kè as in 客家 Kèjiā (SV kháchgia) VS 'cácchú' | M 客 kè < MC khjajk < OC *khrajk *****Another term "Chệt', degrading, though, is another possibitlity. V 'cácchú' from Hakka is another word for 客家 Kèjiā.
Ấnđộ 'Indian' Old Mon /gulā/, mod. /galā/, Riang White /kɤrɑ-/, Black /kərɑ-/, Palaung /kălɑ2/, Wa /kălɑ2/ Old Burmese /kulā/, Sanskrit/Pali kulaputtaChin. 印度 Yìndù (SV Ấnđộ). In MC the word for it is 天竺 Tiānzhú (SV Thiêntrúc) *****The V and Chin. forms have nothing to do with the others at all.
đầu 'head' Old Mon /kdip/, mod. /kɗuɪp/, Danaw /ktɑŋ4/, Riang White /ki:ŋ-/, Black /kiŋ-/, Palaung /kɛŋ/, /kaɪŋ/, Wa /kéŋ/, Khasi /khlieh/Chin.頭 tóu (SV đầu) | M 頭 tóu < MC dɤw < OC *dho: | See more enumeration in previous sectiom. *****It is so obvious that V đầu and Chin. 頭 tóu are cognate while in Mon for both Old and mod. their forms carry some similarity but further. No Khmer is listed in Luce's list.)
tóc 'hair' Viet. /tóc/, Old Mon /sok/, mod. /sok/, Danaw /ñok1/, Riang White /huk-/ Black /huk-/, Palaung /huʔ1/, Wa /hɑɯk1/, Old Khmer /suk/, Sakai /sok/, /suk/, Semang /sog/, Nicobarese /yôk/, Biat /chōk/, Srê /soʔ/, Bahnar /sɔk/, Pʿu-man /su-chʿi/, Khasi /shñih/, War /su'kha'/, Mundari /uʔ/, Savara /ū/Chin. 髮 fā (SV phát), M 髮 fā < MC pjɐt < OC *piat | ¶ p- ~ t- **While others are clear cognates, including that of V form, the C modern and ancient forms also appear to be conformed to the a sound change pattern that if there were no other forms for comparison, they would have certainly become a good candidate.
mắt 'eye' Viet. /mắt/, Old Mon /mɑt/, mod. /mɑt/, Danaw /ŋɑi2/, Riang White /ŋɑi\ /, Black /ŋɑi\ /, Palaung /ŋɑ'i2/, /ŋɔi2/, Wa /ŋɑ'i2/, Old Kmer /mat/, Sakai /mat/, Besisi /mōt/, Semang /med/, Malay /mata/, Nicobarese /oal-mât/, T'eng /măt/ Lemei /ŋɑi/, Khasi /khmat/, War /mat/, Mundari /mẽdʔ/, Gadaba /mā/, Kurku /mẽd/Chin. 目 mù (SV mục) | M 目 mù < MC mukʷ < OC *mhuk | cf. Hainanese /mat7/, ex. (Hai.) 目鏡 /mat7kɜng5/ (VS mắtkiếng) 'glasses' (note the word order in both speech are the same, too.) *****All languages have the same etyma for this word! Southeast Asian linguists usually discount this word out of their list owing the close similarity among them, which may make it a mere coincidence. However, the point to be made here is this core item is cognate to the V /mắt/.
tai 'ear' (outer; inner) Old Mon /ktor/, mod. /ktow/, Danaw /kătən4/, /kătɔn4/, Riang White /tiôr-/, /kɔtiak-/, Black /tsor-/, /kɔtiɛ`k-/, Palaung /hyUʔ1/, Wa /yɑɯʔ2/, Sakai /ĕntāk/, Besisi /tögn/, /töŋ/, Semang /kentk/, Nicobarese /nâŋ/, Bat /tôr/, Srê /tur/, Bahnar /dɔn/, T'eng /kədɔʔ/, Khasi /shkor/, Mundari /lutūr/, Kurku /lutur/M dā 耷 tāp (big ear), Siamese, Lao tūp_ (pendant ears) (p. 71) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc hu, Tho su, Nung khyu, Cao-lan lɯ Sui qha, Mak tśha, Bê sa, Li say (p. 488) | Also, Chin. #耳朵 ěrtuō (SV nhĩđoá) ~ VS 'lỗtai' | M 耳 ěr, rén, rěng < MC ɳy < OC *nhjəʔ || M 朵 duǒ < MC twʌ < OC *to:jʔ **The Viet. /tai/ is not listed here but all the other forms appear to be cognate. The C form 耳朵 ěrtuō posited for 'lỗtai', that, interestingly, looks like those of Mundari /lutūr/ and Kurku /lutur/ but it is subjected to speculation, though.
mũi 'nose' Viet. /mũi/, Old Mon /muh/, mod. /muh/, Danaw /kădət3/, Riang White and Black /kədɔʔ-/, Palaung /muh3/, Wa /mɤh5/,Old Khmer /muh/, Sakai /moh/, /mūh/, T'eng /muh/, Khasi /khmut/,Mundari /mũ/, Savara /mu/, Gadaba /muvvu/, Kurku /mū/Chin. 鼻 bí (tỵ) | M 鼻 bí < MC pɦji < OC *bji | See elaboration above. *Obviously all other forms are cognates except for the C form. Hence, the V /muj4/ is cognate to the former forms. If 'mũi' and 鼻 bí are not cognate, why do most other body parts between the 2 languages are related? Let's postulate this form as either irregular or distant etymological variants which share only their labial phoneme which of the V form was nasalized via /pt-/ demonstrated by the SV /tej6/ 'ty.' < /ptej/ ~ /mej4/ ~ /mũj/.
lưỡi 'tongue' No Old Mon, mod. /lātɑk/, Danaw /tɔŋ2tɑʔ1/, Riang White /tak-/, Black /tɑk-/, Palaung /săɗɑʔ1/, Wa /n-dak3/, Khmer /antāk/, Sakai /ləntāk/, Semang /letic/, Maly /lidah/, Nicobarese /kaletâk/, T'eng /həntak/, Mundari /leʔ/, /alaŋ/Chin. 舌 shé | M 舌 shé < MC ʑet < OC *lat | FQ 食列 | According to Starostin: Protoform *lăj(H) ( / *lăt;t; m-). Meaning: tongue. Chinese: 舐 *lajʔ, *leʔ to lick; 舌 *lat tongue. Tibetan: ltɕe tongue; blade; flame. Burmese: hlja tongue, LB *s-lja. Kachin: siŋlet2 the tongue, (H) lai id. Lushei: lei tongue, KC *m-lei. Lepcha: li/, a-li/ the tongue. ***As we can see, the Chin. form points to a much more credible etymon which is cognate to those in the ST camp. See more detail in the ST section. Besides, Cant. still retains the ancient form as /lei6/ 脷 lěi (SV lợi).
tiếng 'voice', 'noise' Old Mon /binru/, mod. /baru/, Danaw /rat3/, Rieng White /rɤs\ /, Black /rəs\ /Chin. 聲 shēng (SV thanh), M 聲 shēng < MC ʂeŋ < OC *xeŋ | Hai. /tjɜ1/, Cant. ʃieŋ21, Amoy: sɨŋ11 (literary); siã11, Tchiewchow: siã11, Fukienese siŋ11 (literary); Zyyy: ʃijəŋ1*****The limited list provided by Luce gives no cognates with the V 'tiếng'. The C form is doubless plausible. As discussed in the previous chapter more than once, Chin. 聲 shēng ~ 'tiếng' are cognte also to denote the meaning of 'speech', for example, '言語, 口音. '與人罕言, 語類楚聲。'(明·魏禧《大鐵椎傳》. ) where 楚聲 means "Chu language' or 'tiếngSở'.
răng 'tooth' Viet. /răng/, No Old Mon, mod. /ŋek/, Danaw /pəiŋ4/, Rieng White /rɑŋ-/, Black /rɑ:ŋ-/, Palaung /hrɑŋ2/, Wa /rɑn2/, T'eng /hraŋ/Chin. 牙 yá (SV ngà) | M 牙 yá, yă, yà < MC ŋya < OC *ŋrya: | See elaboration in the previous section and in the next chapter. ***All forms, including that of V, are obviously cognates while the mod. Mon /ŋek/ somewhat look similar to SV /ngà/.
cổ 'neck' Viet. /cổ/, Old Mon /koʾ/, mod. /kaʾ/, Danaw /kɔŋ2/, Riang White /kok/, Black /kok/, Palaung /kʿāmɛ`ŋ2/, Wa /nɔʔ3/, Khmer /kah/, Sakai /kuaʾ/, Semang /sěŋkoʾ (=larynx), Srê /ŋkɔ/, Bahnar /hako/, /ako/, T'eng /ŋɔk/, Shan /kɔ/, Lao /go/, S Karen /kʿUʔ/, /koʔ/ (etc.), Mundari /hotoʔ/Chin. 喉 hóu (SV hầu), M 喉 hóu < MC ɠʊw < OC *ghro: | According to Starostin: for OC *gh- cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou au2, Protoform: *khrjə:w (~gh-,qh-,Gh-), Meaning: throa, Chinese: *gh(r)o: throat, Tibetan: kru-kru windpipe (cf. also mgur, mgul throat, neck, ko-ko throat, chin), Kachin: z^|jəkhro1 the throat, gullet ****It looks like all forms are cognates cross linguistic families. However, the C etymon 喉 hóu is exactly 'throat'.
gáy 'nape' (of the neck)' (No Old Mon, mod. /katak/, Danaw /lɔʔ4Ut2/, Riang White /sʿɤkɔ\ /, Black /tərŋɔk\ /, Palaung /kăŋɔ3/, /kɑŋɑuh3/, Wa /tiaŋ4ŋɔt3/, T'eng /təglók/Chin. 頸 jǐng (SV cảnh, cành) | M 頸 jǐng, qìng, gěng < MC kjeŋ < OC *keŋʔ **No other Khmer and V forms are listed. If anything is related to V they should be 'càngcổ' or (trunk of) the neck, which is similar to C 脖頸 bójīng or 脖子 bózi in reverse.
vai 'shoulder' mon Mid. /pnah/, /pnah/, Danaw /tsɔk3pɑ1/, /tjak-paʔ-/, Black /tsak-paʔ-/, Palaung /yɑʔ1/, Wa /(pyaŋ4)klɪ:p1/, T'eng /tla/Chin. 膊 bó (SV bạc) | M 膊 bó < MC bʌk < OC *bak ***In C there is the form 臂膊 bèibó which can be cognate to 'bảvai'.
nách 'armpit' No Old Mon, mod. .../knak/..., Danaw /kʿăyɛək2/, Riang White /(ɔk-)yɑk\ /, Black /yɑk\ /, Palaung /yɑʔ1/, Wa .../klaiʔ1/, T'eng /ʿɛk/,, /kəlʿɛk/Chin. 腋 yè (SV diệt, dịch) | M 腋 yè < MC 亦 jek < OC *liak | ¶ y-(*l-) ~ n- ***Luce does not provide the Khmer and V forms, but the mod. Mon form /knak/ is certainly cognate to V 'nách' /najk5/ while, interestingly enough, some of the other sounds are somewhat similar to the Chin. /yè/ form.)
vú 'breast' Viet. /bú/, Old Mon tohl(pubow = to suckle), mod. /tah/, Danaw /bu/, Riang White /nin\ /, Black /buʔ-/, Palaung /bu2/ /nUm2/, Wa /təh5/, Old Khmer /toh/ (breast), /pau/ (to suck), Besisi /tuh/,Semang /tuk/, Malay /dada/, Nicobarese /toah/, Bahnar /tōh/, Mundari /toa/, Sakai /bot/, Semang /bu/, Shom Peng /bōo-tōa/, Bìat /m'pu/, T'eng /buʔ/, Khasi /buiñ/ (tu suck), /jymbuiñ/, Mundari /jembedʔ/Chin. 乳 rǔ (SV nhũ) for 'breast' and 哺 bǔ (SV bộ) for 'to suck'. | M 乳 rǔ < MC rɤə < OC *ɲɤə || M 哺 bǔ < MC bo < OC *ba:s | ex. 'búvú' 哺乳 bǔrǔ (SV bộnhũ) 'to suckle' ****There is no doubt that the C form are cognate to both of the V /vú/ and /bú/, respectively, so for other forms there must be some kind of coincidence similar to /pa/ and /ma/ where p- and m- form seem common in other languages with child's early languages.
bụng 'heart', 'mind, 'feelings' Old Mon /pumas/, mod. /tma3/, Danaw /ruɔt2/, Riang White /kɪ:ŋ-kɤnuas\, Black/kɪ:ŋ-kənuas\ /, Palaung /nɔh3/, /nɑuh3/, Wa /rɔm2/, T'eng /ʿñươm/, Khasi /jingmut/Chin. 腹 fù (SV phúc) | M 腹 fù < pʊk < OC *puk *****The Danaw form /ruɔt2/ is exactly what appears as V 'ruột' while Old Mon form /pumas/ points to V 'bụng' which, in turn, is cognate to Chin 腹 fù.
rốn, rún 'navel' No Old Mon, mod. /poŋluit/, Danaw /kon4dɑiŋ4/, Riang White /kluŋdi:ŋ-/, Black /kən\diŋ-/, Palaung /kădan2/, Wa /pi:t1/, K Khmer /pʿoit/, Semang /lus/, T'eng /kəndɪñ/, Khasi /sohpet/Chin. 臍 qí (SV tề) | M 臍 qí < MC ʒiej < OC *ʒəj | ¶ q- ~ r- | ex. 肚臍 dùjí (VS lỗrún) *It looks like there is no candidate for the cognate to V 'rún' here. Usually in this case, if we look hard enough we may find something other forms in Chin.
cặc 'penis' No Old Mon, mod. /bow/, Danaw /lé1/, Riang White and Black /klɛ`ʔ-/, Palaung /béu3/, Wa /klɪʔ1/, Car Nicobarese /ku-lɔɪch/, Mundari /loeʔ/Chin. 龜頭 guītóu (SV quiđầu) VS #đầucu ***If there is any similarity to draw here is the forms that appear in Riang as /klɛ`ʔ-/ and Wa /klɪʔ1/ while in others thk- has been dropped. The same can be said with the C dissyllabic /guītóu/ which, if related at all, has been contracted to 'cặt' [ \k- ~ k-, -t ~ -k ]
hòndái 'testicles' No Old Mon, mod. /makruik/, Danaw /tɔŋ2klot4/@# M 玉丸 yùhuăn (SV ngọchoàn) | M 玉 yù < MC ŋöuk < OC *ŋok | FQ 魚欲 | Pulleyblank: LM ŋywk < OC *ŋuawk || M 丸 huăn < MC ɠwʌn < OC wa:r | FQ 胡官 *****Additional listings by Luce do not show anything similar to the V form as /hòndái/, which is definitely from the C /yùhuăn/, as in numerous other lexicons, in reverse order.
đùi 'thigh' No Old Mon, mod. dī, Danaw /pluʔ1/, Riang White /pluʔ\ /, Black /kə\diɛ`l-/, Palaung /blɑu2/, /bléu2/, Wa /plɑuŋ4bɑ2/, Mundai /bulu/, Khasi /lbong/Chin. 腿 tuǐ (thối) | M 腿 tuǐ < MC tuaj < OC *twəj *****Like 足 zú and 腳 jiăo, 腿 tuǐ, generally meaning 'leg', has been elevated to designate 'thigh' of which the same meaning exists in C.
chân 'foot', 'leg' Viet. /chân/, Old Mon and mod. /juŋ/, Danaw /kɔʔ\ /, Riang White /tjɔ:ŋ\ /, /tsɔŋ\ /, Palaung /djɑn2/, /djén2/ Wa /tjɑuŋ2/, Old Khmer /jeŋ/, Sakai /jukn, Besisi /joŋ/, Semang /chān/, Old Javanese /joŋ/, Shom Peng /chuk/, Bahnar /jəŋ/, P'u-man /chin/, T'eng /yươŋ/, Khsi /kiat/, Mundari /jaŋga/, Savara /talljeŋ/, Gadaba /susuŋ/, Kurkur /nāŋgā/Chin. 足 zú (SV túc) VS 'giò' (leg) and 腳 jiăo (SV cước) VS 'chân' (foot) | M 足 zú < MC tsjouk < OC *ɕok || M 腳 jiăo < MC kak < OC *kak ****While it appears that the V /chân/ is cognate to those in other languages -- in different linguistic families -- the C forms are also cognate to V /chân/ 'leg' and /giò/, respectively.
đuôi 'tail' Old Mon /birta/ (?), /bata/, Danaw /tɔŋ2tɑ/, Riang White /taʔ-/, Black /sʿən\taʔ-/, /săɗɑ2/, Wa /ʃi4taʔ1/, T'eng /hěnta/Chin. 翘 qiáo (SV kiều) | M 翘 qiáo, qiào < MC gjew < OC *ghew | FQ 渠遙 | ¶ q- ~ d- ***The sound change pattern [q- ~ d-] in C /qiáo/ plausibly could give rise to 'đuôi'. In other languages in Luce's list, the closest forms are those initials of the second morph that starts with /t-/ on the condition that /t- ~> d-/.
tay 'hand' Viet. /tay/, Old Mon /tey/, mod. /tai/ Danaw /ti1/, Riang White and Black /tiʔ-/, Palaung /ɗɑ'2/, /ɗéi2/, Wa /tɑʔ1/, Old Khmer /tai/, Sakai /tok, /ti/, Semang /tɔŋ/, Nicobarese /tai/, Car Nicobarese /tiʾ/, Bahnar /tɪ/, P'uman /chʿi/, T'eng /tiʔ/, Khasi /kti/, War /taɪ/, Mundari /tɪhī/, /tɪʔ/, Gadaba /tītī/, Kurku /tī/Chin. 手 shǒu (SV thủ). There exists also a 臂 bì (SV tý), denoting 'arm', a 指 zhǐ (SV chỉ) form, denoting 'finger', that looks like those lexemes with /ti/ and chi/ in this list. | (1) M 手 shǒu < MC ʂjəw < OC *ɫhuʔ, (2) M 臂 bì, bèi < MC pje < OC *peks ***Viet. /tej1/ ~ Chin. /shǒu/ show apparent cognate with all the languages involved, including the C '臂 bì (SV tỵ /tej6/)'. In the meanwhile for the Chin. /zhǐ/ (M 指 zhǐ, zhì, zhī < MC tɕɨ < OC *kijʔ) they seem to be speculative.).
gót 'sole', also Luce 'palm' Old Mon /kintāl/ (=underpart), mod. /gatā/, Danaw /patk1,3/, Riang White /plɑk-/, Black /plɑk-/, Palaung /kă\bɑ2/..., Wa /kiat1/, T'eng /kēdăk/ (=sole)Chin 跟 gēn (SV căn) is cognate to VS 'gót' (sole) while there is 手板 shǒubăn (SV thủbản) ~ VS 'bàntay' (palm) where 'bàn' (literally, the panel of the palm)), | M 跟 gēn < MC kən < OC *kən ****The C forms are plausibly cognates.
móng 'nails' Old Mon /sinlem/, mod. /sanem/, Danaw /kălɛ`əŋ4/, Riang White /rəm\hi:m-/, Black /kʿiəŋ2/, /pʿyUəŋ2/, Wa /să\ʔ, Shom Peng /rīap/, Khasi /tyrsim/Chin. 跰 bèng, bǐng, pián (SV nghiễn), VS vuốt 'claw' ~ móng 'nail' | ¶ y- ~ m- | M 跰 bèng, bǐng, pián, yàn ~ M 趼 jiăn < MC kiɛn, ŋjen < OC *ke:nʔ, *ŋhe:ns | FQ 古典, 吾甸 | According to Starostin: Pek. yàn meaning 'extremity of animals' paw' is also attested since Han; it accounts for g- in Goon. | ¶ y- ~ ng-, m-, v- || VS 'ngón' (finger, toe)*Except for the C word and the V derived 'ngón', all the forms look distant and need more elaboration.
cánh 'wing' Old Mon /sumneŋ/ (=winged), mod. /sneŋ/, Danaw /pʿan2/, Riang White /pɪaŋ-/, Black /pɪɛŋ-/, Palaung /pʿiəŋ2/, /pʿyUŋ2/, Wa /pʿrɤɪt1/, Semang /bieg/, Car Nicobarese /sănéōk/, Khasi /thapɪniang/Chin. 翅膀 chìbăng (SV chibàng) | M 翅 chì, shì, jì, qí < MC ʂi < OC *kjeh, *kes || M 膀 băng, bàng, pāng, páng < MC bɔŋ < OC *bhaŋ | FQ. 步光 *As the etymoloty of this lexicon showed in the listed speeches, the V 'cánh' could be cognate with the contracted 膀 băng only to be considered as of the the same root, instead of taking a full dissyllabic form of 翅膀 chíbăng.)
xương 'bone' Viet. /xương/, Old Mon /jūc(ʔ)/, mod. /jut/, Danaw /kănaŋ4/, Riang White /yɤn\ʔaŋ-/, Back /tsən\ɑŋ-/, Palaung /kă\ʔɑŋ2/, Wa /să\ʔɑŋ2/, Kmer /cʿa-iŋ/, Sakai /ja-akn/, Semang /jaʔis/, Nicobarese /oŋ-eŋ/, Biat /n'tiŋ/, Srê /n'tīŋ/, T'eng /cʿəʔaŋ/, Khasi /Shyeng/, Mundari /jaŋ/, Malay /tulaŋ/Chin 腔 qiāng (SV khang, xoang) | M 腔 qiāng < MC khjawŋ < OC *khaɨwŋ | ex. 腔骨 qiānggǔ (VS xươngcốt) 'bone', 盆腔 pénqiāng (VS xươngchậu) 'the pelvic cavity' | See elaboration on this etymology in the next chapter on TB languages. *Except for the Chin. etymon, all forms above appear to be cognate.
thịt 'flesh' Old Mon /psun/, mod. /pʿyun/, Danaw /ñəŋ/, Riang White /yɤŋ\ /, Black /mɑi\ /, Palaung /yɑŋ2/, Wa /néʔ3/For 'flesh' there is M 肉 ròu < MC ɳʊk < OC *nhikʷ, *nhuk while Chin. 腊 xī (SV tích) is 'reserved meat' | Kangxi: 《廣韻》《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》𠀤思積切,音昔。《說文》乾肉也。从殘肉,日以晞之。《周禮•天官》腊人掌乾肉,凡田獸之脯腊。 *It looks like we have a case that we cannot map V 'thịt' into any of the above languages including C 膱 zhí (SV thức) for thịt 'meat'.
da 'skin' No Old Mon, mod. /snɑm/, Danaw /kădət3/, Riang White /hu:r-/, Black /hur-/, Palaung /hu2/, Wa /hɑʔ1/, T'eng /pūr/, K'mu /kpur/, Mundari /ūr/, Khasi /snep/Chin. 皮 pí (SV bì), 膚 fū (SV phu) | M 膚 fū, lú < MC pʊ < OC *pra ***The C /pí/ is more like V. da /ja1/ but the form /fū/ is closer to other forms.
máu 'blood' Old Mon /chim/, mod. /chim/, Danaw /kănɑ4/, Riang White /nɑ:m-/, Black /nɑm-/, Palaung /nɑm2/, Wa /hnɑm2/, Khmer /jhām/, Sakai /běhīm/,Semang /muhum/, Car Nicarobese /măham/, Bahar /pham/, T'eng /mam/, K'mu /semắm/, Khasi /smam/ Mundari /maěon/Chin. 血 xiě, xuě (SV huyết) | (1) M 血 xiě, xiè, xuè < MC xwiet < OC *swit, (2) M 衁 huāng, nǜ ~ phonetic stem M 亡 wáng (vong, vô) < MC mwaŋ < OC *maŋ | Kangxi: 【唐韻】【集韻】【正韻】𠀤呼光切,音荒。【說文】血也。【左傳·僖十五年】士刲羊,亦無衁也。【韓愈詩】衁池波風肉陵屯。【字彙】又入皿部,書作𥁃,非。| Per Bodman, Nicholas C. 1980. 'Proto-Chinese and Sino-Tibetan,' (in Frans Van Coetsem et al. (eds.) Contributions to Historical Linguistics) (p.120) : 'An interesting hapax legomenon for 'blood' appears in the Dzo Zhuan which has an obvious Austroasiatic origin: Proto-Mnong *mham, Proto-North Bahmaric *maham, 衁 hmam > hmang > ɣuáng.'**It looks like the V /máu/ point to those words in other languages starting with /m-/ and /p-/ while the Chin. form /xiě/ is speculative via @ /hw-/ ~ /m-/ 衁 huáng 'blood'.
nướcmiếng 'spittle' Old Mon /ksas/ (=to spit?), mod. /ɗāk kasah/, Danaw /ñɛ`n2/, Riang White and Black /ñɑŋ-/, Palaung /bɑ'iʔ3/ (to spit), Wa /bɑ'iʔ3/, /bɛ'ʔ3/, Old Khmer /samtoh/, Sakai /toh/, /getɔʾ/, Malay /ludah/, Nicobarese /tapaih/, Bahnar /gəsɔʾ/, T'eng /təʔa/ Khasi /biah (to spit), Mundari /beʔ/) Chin. 唾沫 tuòmò (SV thoámạt) ~ 唾液 tuòyè (SV thoádịch) | M 唾 tuò < MC thwʌ < OC *thojs || M 沫 mò, mèi < MC mwʌt, mwʌj < OC *mhāt, *māts || M 液 yè < MC jek, ʂek < OC *lhiak, *sliak **The only similarity appears here is between the V and C forms above if we posite 唾 tuò for 'nước' and 沫 mò for 'miếng', or even with 口水 kǒushuǐ in reverse order.
nướcđái 'urine' No Old Mon, mod. /knam/, Danaw /tsɛ`2/, Riang White /nɯm\ /, Black /num\ /, Palaung /hnUm2/, Wa /nɯm2/, Khmer /nom/, Sakai /nom/, Semang /kènom/, Srê /ɗum/, Bahnar /nôm/, T'eng /num/, Khasi /jung/Chin. 尿水 niàoshuǐ (SV niệuthuỷ) | M 尿 niào, suī < MC niew < OC *ne:ws, *njew, *ne:wkws | ¶ n- ~ đ- || M 水 shuǐ < MC ʂwi < OC *tujʔ ****There is little doubt that the C and the V forms are cognates except that the syllabic-word order is in reverse like other etyma in many cases.
cứt 'dung' No Old Monn, mod. /ʿik/, Danaw /yaŋ4/, Riang White and Black /yaŋ-/, Palaung /íəŋ2/, /íɛŋ2/, Wa /iɑŋ2/, Khmer /āc/, Sakai /êt/, /êg/, Semang /ɪ/, /aɪh/, Nicobarese /āɪch/, /āɪk/, Bahnar /ɪc/, /ɪk/, T'eng /ʔɪak/, Khasi /eɪk/, Mundari /ɪʔ/Chin. 屎 shǐ (SV thỉ) | M 屎 shǐ < MC shǐ < OC *ʂij < PC **kijh, **ʂijh | Zhou zyxlj p.251: TB *kip, Burmese: khjijh excrement, Kachin: khji3 excrement, Dimasa: khi, Garo: khi, Bodo: kí, Kham kī; , Kanauri khoa, Bahing khl, Digaro: klai. Simon 19; Sh. 44; Ben. 39; Mat. 191. | Zhu Fagao zyxlj p.251 Tibetan: *kəp ***It is unlikely that this is a case of the initial **k- having evolved into zero (Ø) in most languages cited above; if so, they are cognate to them then. Otherwise, the cited forms above could be a derived form cognate to V ỉa 'to poop, to shit' in V., which, in turn, is cognate to Cant. /o5/ 屙 M. /è/.
chó 'dog' Viet. /chó/, Old Mon /clew/, /cluiw/, mod. /kluiw/, Danaw /tso1/, Riang White and Black /sʿɔʔ-/, Palaung /ă\ʔoʔ1/, Wa /soʔ1/, Old Khmer cke, Sakai /cho/, Semang /āsūʔ/, Malay /asu/, Srê /sɔ/, P'uman /shaw/, T'eng /soʔ/, Khasi /ksew/, War /ksiā/, Mundari /seta/, Savara /sōr/, /kinsor/ Gadaba /kussō/, Kurku tsītā/Chin. 狗 gǒu (SV cẩu) | M 狗 gǒu < MC kjəw < OC *ko:ʔ | MC reading 流開一上厚見 | Proto-Viet **kro | See elaboration on the etymology in the above section. ****There is no doubt that all the forms above are cognates, including the C 狗 gǒu.
ngựa 'horse' Old Mon /kseh/, mod. /kyeh/, Danaw /θé4/, Riang White /mɤraŋ\ /, Black /məraŋ\ /, Palaung /braŋ2/, Wa /bruŋ2/, Old Khmer /aseh/, Cham /àsaih/, Biat /cheh/, Bahnar /əsɛh/, Aren /kəθe/, /θiri/, /s'e/ etc., Central and S. Chin /si/, /se, /ksʿɛ/, T'eng /mbraŋ/, Lemet /mraŋ/, Old Burmese /mraŋ/.) Chin. 午 wǔ | M 午 wǔ < MC ŋɔ < OC *ŋa:ʔ | According to Starostin: the 7th of the Earthly Branches. During Late Zhou also used as a loan for homonymous *ŋ(h)a:? 'to resist; crosswise'.****For V 'ngựa' 午 wǔ (SV ngọ) is much more plausible since it is in line with other forms which is the 7th animal in the 12 animal zodiac table, with exception of 'cat' being substituted by 'hare' by the Chinese, adopted by both of the ancient Vietnamese and Khmer ancestors. The other forms appear only in the forms with initial /mbr-/, /mr-/, /br-/ and finals as /-aŋ/ (Chin. 馬 mă SV mã, M 馬 mă < MC mɑ < OC *mra:ʔ). See 'ngựa' (horse); otherwise, they are not cognates.
trâu 'water buffallo' Old Mon and mod. /preŋ/, Danaw /mănaʔ3/, Riang White /pɤnɑʔ\ /, Black /pənɑʔ\ /, Palaung /krɑʔ1/, Wa /krak1/, T'eng /tăk/, Mundari /kera/, Karen /pəna/.Chin. (1) 丑 chǒu (SV sửu, xú) || M 丑 (丒) chǒu < MC triw < OC *truw | According to Starostin : MC ʈhjəw < OC *snruʔ, (2) 牛 níu (SV ngưu) | M 牛 níu < MC ŋjəw < OC *ŋujə ****Like the case of 午 wǔ (SV ngọ) being posited for 'ngựa', 丑 chǒu is also a plausible candidate for V 'trâu' where /ch-/ ~ /tr-/. In the meanwhile no cognate forms are found in the MK languages.
đàn 'herd', 'flock'No Old Mon, mod. /tʿakaʾ/, Danaw /pʿôn2/, Riang White /vwuŋ /, Black /wuŋ/, Palaung /pʿɑŋ3/, Wa /pʿUŋ2/, Khmer /hvūŋ/, Biat /pʿuŋ/, Shan /pʿuŋ/Chin. 團 tuán (SV đoàn) | M 團 tuán < MC dwʌn < OC *dho:n || M 幫 bāng < MC pwʌŋ < OC *pa:ŋ | FQ 博旁 ***Actually V 'bọn' is more plausible to other form of MK languages, but the word is for people -- pointing to C 幫 bāng (SV bang) 'group' -- while the V 'đàn' as 'herd, flock' is mostly for animals, which is cognate to C /tuán/ with its SV equivalent form of 'đoàn' to use for people.
heo 'pig' Old Mon /klīk/, /kliŋ/, mod. /klik/, Danaw /kălék3,1/, Riang White and Black /lék\ /, Palaung /léʔ1/, Wa /li:k3/, Old Khmer /jrvrak/, Sakai /lu/, Semang /jalin/, Madurese /cheleŋ/ (wild pig), Khasi /sniang/Chin. 亥 hài (SV hợi) VS 'heơ', the 12th animal in the zodiac table | M 亥 hài < MC ɠɤj < OC *ghə:ʔ | See the etymology of 'lợn' next below. ****While all MK forms show cognate forms with V 'lợn' and C 豘 tún (đồn, độn) ~ M 豚 tún (đồn, độn), Chin. 亥 hài (SV hợi) VS 'heơ' is another case similar to 'trâu' (water buffallo) or 'ngựa' (horse) as mentioned above, which fits well into the 12 animal zodiac table the proto-Chinese must have borrowed from the Yue people from the south.
dê 'goat' Old Mon /babeʔ/, mod. /baɓeʔ/, Danae /bo4bɛ`1/, Riang White /pɛʔ\ /, Black /pɛʔ-/, Palaung /pɛ`2/, Wa /bɛ`ʔ3/, Old Khmer /vave/, Sukai /kambikn/, Jakun /bêbek/, Cham /pabaiy/, Malay /kambiŋ/, Nicobarese /me/, Bahnar /bəbɛ`/, Pu-man /pir/, T'eng /bɛ`/, Savara /kimme/Chin. 羊 yáng (SV dương) | M 羊 yáng < MC jaŋ < OC *laŋ | FQ 與章 | According to Starostin: Protoform: *jă(k) / *jăŋ. Meaning: goat, yak. Chinese: 羊 *laŋ sheep, goat. Tibetan: g-jag the yak. Kachin: ja3 a wild goat. Lepcha: jo/k a yak, Bos grunniens. Comments: Trung ja? mongrel; Yamphu ja' :-suba 'goat'.| Dialects : Tn : iã1, Hk : iaŋ12, Tx : iaŋ12, Dc : iaŋ12, Tc : iaŋ12, Ôc : ɦi12, Ts : ian12, Sp : iaŋ12, Nx : iɔŋ31, Hẹ : jɔŋ12, Qđ : jöŋ12, Hm : iɔŋ12 (lit.), iũ12, Trc : iẽ12, Th : iã 32 *****There is no doubt that the Chin. 羊 yáng is cognate to V 'dê' while other MK forms look similar to V 'bê' 'young cow'. Interestingly, another cognate is the Chin. 未 wēi (SV mùi), the 8th animal in the 12 animal zodiac table.
voi 'elephant' Viet. /tượng/, Chinese /*dzaiaŋ/, Old Mon /cīŋ/, mod. /ciŋ/, Danaw /kătsɑŋ4/, Riang White /sʿɑŋ-/, Black /sʿi-tsɑŋ-/, Palaung /sɑ:ŋ2/, Wa /sɑŋ2/, Sakai /chik/, T'eng /sǐkyaŋ/, K'mu /chaŋ/, Old Burrmese /cʿaŋ/Chin. 象 xiàng (SV tượng) | M 象 xiàng < MC zjaŋ < OC *lhaŋʔ | FQ 徐兩 || © M 為 wéi (SV vi) 'voi' elephant | M 為 wéi < MC we < OC *waj, *wajs | FQ 薳支 | MC reading A: 止合三平支云; B: 止合三去寘云 | According to Starostin: An *-s-derivate from the word is OC *waj-s, MC we (FQ 于偽), Pek. wèi 'for, on behalf', Viet. vì, vị. For initial *w- cf. Min forms: MC we - Xiamen, Chaozhou, Fuzhou ui2; MC we, Xiamen ui6, Fuzhou oi6, Jianou ue6. Shuowen defines the character as 'female monkey'. Although this word is not attested in literature, it may be compared to PST *qwaj reflected in Kach. (D) woi monkey; Moshang vi-sil; Rawang əwe; Trung a-koi; Kadu kwe id. (STC No 314 *(b)woy; dubious are Mikir ki-pi and Miri si-be). Thomas: voi | Shuowen : 母猴也.其為禽好爪.下腹為母猴形.王育曰.爪象形也.古文為.象兩母猴相對形. | GSR 0027 a-e ***With V 'tượng' all forms above are the same forms as that of C /xiàng/, but V 'voi' seems only cognate to C /wéi/, posited by Thomas (1969) as 'voi', which is much more original than 'tượng'.
cọp 'tiger' Old Mon /klaʾ/, mod. /kla/, Danaw /tăwɑi2/, Riang White /rɤvwɑ'i\ /, Black /rəwɑ'i\ /, Palaung /răvwɑ'i2/, /rāwɑ'i2/, Wa /ʃi4vwɑi2/, Old Khmer /klā/, Sakai /klaʾ/, Bahnar /kla/, Srê /kliu/, Khasi /khla/, Mundari /kula/, Kurku /kūlā/, T'eng /təvai/Chin. 虎 hǔ (SV hổ) | M 虎 hǔ < MC xo < OC *xla:ʔ ***All forms of cognates with initial /k-/ and /kl-/ above certainly must have originated from the same root, probably of a form diverged from proto-Tai. The C word 寅 yǐn (SV dần) for the 3rd animal in the 12 animal zodiac table appears to be out of sync here.
gấu 'bear' Old Mon /kmīm/, mod. /kmim/, Danaw /kʿryet3/, Riang White and Black /krɛ`s-/, Palaung /krih3/ /kriχ3/, Wa /krih5/, Khasi /dnghiem/, Srê /grih/Chin. 熊 xióng (SV hùng) | M 熊 xióng < MC ɦʊŋ < OC *whǝm ***Given variations of other MK words, the V 'gấu' could be probably cognate to the C form /xióng/ with *wh- ~ g-, and -wŋ ~ -aw sound change.
vượn 'monkey' Old Mon /knuy/. mod. /knuai/, Danaw /vwɔ2/, Riang White /vwaʔ-/, Black /wɑʔ-/, Palaung /fɑ2/, Wa /rɑu2/, Old Khmer /svā/, T'eng /hwa/, Srê /kuañ/ (gibbonChin. 猿 yuán (SV viên), VS vượn 'gibbon' | M 猿 yuán < MC wən < OC *whan || 猴 hóu (SV hầu) VS khỉ 'monkey' | M 猴 hóu < MC ɠɤw < OC *go: *****V 'vượn' gibbon and all other are cognates, including the C /yuán/ while Old Mon /knuy/. mod. /knuai/ look like to be cognate to 'khỉ' monkey in V.
nai 'barking deer' No Old Mon, mod. pah/, Danaw /pɤt3/, Riang White and Black /pos-/...Chin. 麃 biāo, páo (SV tiêu, bào) VS hươu 'giraffe, hind' | M 麃 biāo, páo < MC baw, pew, phʌw < OC *paw, *bhrāw, *phāwʔ *Other forms are omitted here since they totally do not seem to be related to that of V. 'nai'.
thỏ 'hare' Old Mon /batāy/, mod. /batāai/, Danaw /yɤn2/, Riang White /pɤl\tāi-/, Black /pəl\tāi-/, Palaung /pɑŋ3ɗɑi2/, /pɑŋ3ɗɔi2/, Wa /pālɑ2/, Old Burmese /yun/, Malay /tapai/, Biat /r'pai/, Srê dərpae/, Shan /paŋtai/Chin. 兔 tù (SV thố) | M 兔 tù < MC tho < OC *thāks, *slhaks | FQ 湯故 *****The C /tù/ is certainly cognate to the V /thỏ/ form while other MK forms deviate a great deal.
lợn 'pig' No Old Mon., mod. /lamlen/, Danaw /tɔŋ2kiɛ`t1/, Riang White /rɤn\kɔs-/, Black /rəŋ\kɔs-/, Palaung /ākɤh3/, Wa /ŋ-goh3/, Sakai /kūsh/...) Chin. 豘 tún (đồn, độn) ~ M 豚 tún (đồn, độn) < MC don < AC *lhwǝ̄n < OC *ɫhwǝ̄n < PC **ɫhūn | Dialects Cant. tyun4, Hakke tun3 | ¶ t- ~ l- ****For those MK forms selective listed here, they bear resemblence to each other as cognates among themselves. At the same time the Chin. /tún/ cognate is highly plausible with the sound change pattern t- ~ l- for V /lợn/. At the same time V has also the word 'heo' (pig) which is from the same source as that of the C form 亥 hài (SV 'hợi') appearing in the 12 animal zodiac table as previously discussed.
sóc 'squirrel' No Old Mon, mod. /prip/, Danaw /plɑi2/, Riang White /kɤlɑ'i\ /, Black /klɑ\ /..) Chin. 松鼠 cōngshǔ (SV tùngthử) | M 松 sōng < MC tʑjöuŋ < OC *lhoŋ || M 鼠 shǔ < MC ʂo < OC *ɬhaʔ ~ *ɬh < *ʂh- < ʂ- | Dialects: Amoy /chu3/, Chaozhou /chy3/, Fuzhou, Jianou /chʊ3/, Tc chu2, Wenzhou /chei21/, Hakka /chu2/, Xiamen /chu2/, Trc chɨ21, Fuzhou /chy2/, Shanghai /chʊ3/ | According to Starostin : OC *l^h (normally yielding t.h, but here having given a dialectal reflex *s/h- > s/-) is reconstructed on the basis of Min forms: Xiamen chu3, Chaozhou chy3, Fuzhou, Jianou chu3. ***Some other forms are omitted here because they do not seem to relate the V 'sóc' as it is to the C /cōngshǔ/ which could be plausibly cognate if the drop-out factor accounts for the sound change between the two, that is, either syllabic sound falls out. However, if we treat the C compound 松鼠 cōngshǔ (VS chuộtsóc) as an indication that this kind of animal not native originally, then, like 狗 gǒu or 虎 hǔ, the C form must have had a southern origin, probably from Taic since all the MK forms in Luce's list do not provide a clue for that.
rái 'otter' No Old Mon, mod. /pheʾ/, Danaw /bUn2/, Rinag White /bUn\ /, Black /bon-/, Palaung /mUn3/, /bUn3/, Wa /pʿɛi1/Chin. 獺 tă, tà (SV thát) | M 獺 tă, tà < MC thʌt < OC *srhāt **Only Chin. 獺 tă, tà is cognate to V. rái.
chuột 'rat' Old Mon and mod. /kni/, Danaw /kăné1,2/, Riang White /kʿrɔm-/, Black /kəbu-/, /kʿrɔm-/, Palaung /hnɔ'i2/, Wa /kiaŋ2/, Sakai /kaněh/, Semang /kaneʾ/, Srê /ɗɛ`/, Bahnar /kənɛ`/, T'eng /kənéʔ/, Khasi /khnai/, Mundari /huni/ Chin. 鼠 shǔ (SV thử) | See elaboration on 'sóc' (squirrel) above.*****While there is no cognate with the MK forms, it is no doubt that the C /shǔ/ and V 'chuột' are cognate, including that of the doublet of C 子 zi in the 12 animal zodiac table.
dơi 'bat' Old Mon /kilwa/, mod. /kawa/, Danaw /lUk3lat2/, Riang White /tɤr\lɑk/, Black /rəlɑk\ /, Palaung /gădɑʔ1/, Wa /blak3/, Malay /kělawar/Chin. 蝙蝠 biānfú (SV biênbưc) | M 蝙 biān < MC pien < OC *pēnʔ || QT 蝠 fú < MC pük < OC pǝk *For this item the V form must be cognate to 蝠 fú; otherwise, if there are any cognates at all posited for all other forms, it must be a falling-out form of Mon /-wa/, which in turn possibly points to the C /fú/, a falling-out from the dissyllabic form /biānfú/.
bươmbướm 'butterfly' No Old Mon, mod. /puŋkamū/ (butterfly soul), Danaw /pɔŋ2pɑʔ3/, Riang White and Black /puŋ-pɑʔ-/, Palaung /kɑʔ1la1/, Wa /pɑi4pyaŋ2/, T'eng /pam/Chin 蝴蝶 húdié (SV hồđiệp) *The V 'bướm' is likely cognate to T'eng /pam/ and the Mon first syllable /puŋ/ while /bươmbướm/ to others. The Chin. form /húdié/ shows no relation at all. Interestingly, however, some other Austronesian languages share some similar etyma cognate to 'bươmbướm' such as proto-Eastern-Oceanic /*mpe(e)mpe(e)/, Fiji /beebee/, Samoan /pepe/, New Zealand Maori /pê/, /pepe/, Rotuman /pêpa/. The author does not know how to interpret the data, but the best guess is it could be of Austronesian origin.
ongmật 'honey bee' No Old Mon, mod. /sāai/, Danaw /tsɔŋ4hən2/, Riang White /tjɤr\ŋur\ /, Black /tsən\ŋur\ /, Palaung /pʿrər2/, Wa /hiɑ2/, Car Nicobarese /sɛ`k mak/, T'eng /brǔʾŋ/, /prǔʾŋ/Chin 蜜蜂 mìfēng (SV mậtphong) ~ 蠮螉 *ʔīt-ʔōŋ (SV nghệông) VS 'ongnghệ' ~ 螉 wēng (SV ông) ~ 蜂 fēng (SV phong) | M 螉 wēng < MC ʔuŋ < OC *ʔōŋ | According to Starostin: a k. of small bee (Han). Used only in compounds: 螉 � *ʔōŋ-shoŋ, 蠮螉 *ʔīt-ʔōŋ denoting a k. of small bee or gadfly, thus the borrowed nature of Viet. ong is questionable (cf. PAA *hɔ:ŋ / *ʔɔ:ŋ 'bee' = PAN *wani, *qawani id.). The standard Sino-Viet. reading of 螉 is ông. || M 蜂 fēng < MC phouŋ, buŋ < OC *phoŋ, *bhōŋ | FQ 敷容, 薄紅 *****It is for certainty that the Chin. compound 蜜蜂 mìfēng is cognate to V. 'ongmật', but in reverse order, a common phenomenon of C loanwords in V. For other languages, see the next item below.
ong 'wasp', 'hornet' Viet. 'ong', no Old Mon, mod. /huiŋ/, Danaw /(mɑʔ3)ôn4/, Riang White /vwɔŋ-vwɔl-/, Black /uaŋ-/, Palaung /ɔn2/, /kă\ʔɔn2/, Wa /ɔŋ2/, Old Khmer /srāŋ/ (?), Sakai /ôkn/ Besisi /hoŋ/, Semang /oŋ/, /ēŋ/, /wuŋ/, Bahnar /ōŋ/, Srê /oŋ/Chin. (黃)蜂 huángfēng (SV hoàngphong) VS 'ong(vò)' | See elaboration above. *****Like 蜜蜂 mìfēng, this is for sure a cognate with the V 'ong'. For other MK languages, in contrast with the V 'ongmật' above, which is similar to Danaw /(mɑʔ3)ôn4/ 'honey bee', they all are cognates. In both Chin. and V there exists only one form 蜂 fēng ~ 'ong'.
cua 'crab' Viet. /tôm/ (prawn), No Old Mon, mod. /gatā/, Danaw /kătam2/, Riang White /kɤtɑm-/, Black /kətɑm-/, Palaung /tākrɛk3/, Wa /tɑm2/, Semang /kěntem/, Srê /tām/, T'eng /kətam/, Khasi /thəm/ Mundari /katəkom/, /karakom/Chin. 蝦 xiā (SV hà) VS 'tép' small shrimp, 'tôm' prawn, also 'ruốc' tiny shrimp || M 蝦 (鰕) xiā, há < MC ɠa < OC *ghra: || Chin. 蟹 xié (SV giải) VS 'ghẹ', 'cáy' ~ cua 'crab' | M 蟹 xié < MC ɠa < OC *ghre:ʔ | According to Starostin: crab (Han). Normal Sino-Viet. is giải: it is interesting that both this form and the colloquial cáy reflect a voiceless initial (possibly pointing to a variant *kre:?). | Protoform: *q(r)e:(j)H. Lushei: ai, KC *t?-g|ai. Lepcha: ta<-hi. Kiranti: *ghra\ ****All the MK langages point to V 'tôm' and they look like also cognate to V. 'contôm'. However, here as illustrated in Luce's listings, they all mean 'crab' while the V forms 'cua' and 'tôm' with their variants seem to be in line with those equivalents in Chin. /xià/ and /xié/ which point to Chin. 蟹 xié (SV giải) VS 'ghẹ', 'cáy' ~ cua 'crab'.)
cá 'fish' Viet. /cá/, Old Mon /kɑʾ/, mod. /kɑ/, Danaw /ʔyaŋ4/, Riang White and Black /kaʔ-/, Palaung /kɑ2/, Wa /kaʔ1/, Sakai /kaʾ/, Semang /kah/, Malay /ikan/ Nicobarese /kâa/, Stieng, Srê, Bahnar /ka/, P'uman /kʿa/, T'eng /kaʔ/, Mundari /hai/, /haku/, Kurku /kaku/Chin. 魚 yú (SV ngư) | M 魚 yú < MC ŋʊ < OC *ŋha | Shuowen 水蟲也.象形.魚尾與燕尾相似.凡魚之屬皆從魚. (575) | According to Starostin: fish. For *ŋh- cf. Xiamen hi2, Chaozhou hy2. | Protoform: *ŋ(j)a. Meaning: fish. Chinese: 魚 *ŋha fish. Tibetan: ɳa fish. Burmese: ŋah fish, LB *ŋhax. Kachin: ŋa3 fish. Lushei: ŋha fish, KC *ŋha\. Kiranti: *ŋ@\ . Comments: PG *ta\rŋa; BG: Garo na-tk, Bodo ŋa ~ na, Dimasa na; Chepang ŋa ~ nya; Tsangla ŋa; Moshang ŋa'; Namsangia ŋa; Kham ŋa:\L; Kaike ŋa:; Trung ŋa1-pla?1. Simon 13; Sh. 36, 123, 407, 429; Ben. 47; Mat. 192; Luce 2. | Proto-Austro-Asiatic: *ka, Thai: ka:.A, Proto-Katuic: *ka, Proto-Bahnaric: *ka, Khmer: ka:-, Proto-Vietic: *kaʔ, ʔǝ-, Proto-Monic: *ka:ʔ, Proto-Palaungic: *kaʔ, Proto-Khmu: *kaʔ, Khasi: doh=kha, Proto-Aslian: *kaʔ, , Proto-Viet-Muong: *kaʔ, ʔ-, Thomon: ka.343ʔ, Tum: ka.212 (Kh 714; VHL 64; S-27) | Note: OC *ŋh- ~ k- (ca-) ****All languages for this item in Luce's list are cognate while the C form 魚 yú (SV ngư) is also possibly cognate. (See APPENDIX M for the case of 'ketchup', 'catsup')
rắn 'snake' Old Mon and mod. /jrum/, Danaw /păθén4/, Riang White and Black /hiəñ-/, Palaung /hanʔ2/, Wa /ʃi4ʔúiñ2/, Semang /jěkob/, Nicanarese /pai(d)/, Car Nicobarese /péich/, Khasi /bseiñ/, Mundari /bin/Chin. 蛇 shé (SV 'xà', also 'di' ) | M 蛇 (虵) shé < MC ʑa < OC *liaj, *laj | FQ 食遮 | According to Starostin: snake. Also read *laj (MC je, FQ 弋支, Mand. yí) in the compound 委蛇 *?w|aj-laj 'be compliant, gracious'. | ¶ s- ~ r- | Also /yì/ as in 委蛇 wěiyì (VS ngoằnngoèo) 'zigzag' **Variably some of the listed form are cognates while the Chin. form is only a matter of speculation. 龍 lóng (SV long, VS rồng, 'dragon') is another candidate.
chim 'bird' Viet. /chɪm/, Old Mon /kiñcem/, mod. gacem, Danaw /tsən4/, Riang White /si:m/, Black /sim/, Palaung /sim2/, Wa /ʃi:m2/, Sakai /chēp/, /chēm/, Biat /chɪum/, Srê /sɪm/, Bahnar /sɛm, T'eng /sim/, Khasi /sim/ War /ksem/, Mundari /sīm/ (=fowl), Kurku /ʃɪm(fowl), Sav /kansɪm/ (fowl)Chin. 禽 qín ‘bird’ (SV cầm) | M 禽 qín < MC gim < OC *ghjəm | ~ modern M niăo 鳥 | Dialects: Hainanese /jiăo/ is the sound for 'chim' | Chaozhou: ʑin12, Wenzhou: ʑiaŋ12, Shuangfeng: ʑin12 | According to Starostin : The character is more frequently used (since L.Zhou) with the meaning 'wild bird(s)' ('something caught'), whereas for the meaning 'to catch, capture', SV 'cầm', VS 'giam' one uses the character 擒 ***It looks like all forms are cognates, including that of Chin.
giacầm 'fowl' Old Mon /tyāŋ/, /tyeŋ/, mod. /cāŋ/, Danaw /yén4/, Riang White /yɛr-/, Black /yɛ`r-/, Palaung /i:r2/, íər2/, Wa /iɑ2/, Bahnar /ir/, T'eng /ʿier/, Khasi /syiar/, Mundari /jiaŋ-jiaŋ/ (=chickenChin. 家禽 jiāqín (SV giacầm) *****The V compound simply a MC variant of the Chinese form.
chimcông 'peafowl' Old Mon /mrek/, /mrā/, Danaw (<Burmese), Riang White and Black /prāk\ /, Palaung /brɑʔ3/, Wa /kɑ'ɯŋ2/, Malay /měrak/, Cham /amrak/, Biat /brak/, T'eng /kuóŋ/...) Chin. 孔雀 kǒngquè (SV khổngtước) VS chimcông | M 孔 kǒng < MC khúŋ < OC *khōŋʔ | Note: for 'chim' see its etymology above. ***Obviously the V 'chimcông' is the Chin. form in reverse order. Some more forms in other languages listed for this item are ommited for their being unrelated to V.
cuncút 'quail' (Corturnix), Viet. /cuncút/, Old Mon tgit/, /tget/, /tgat/, mod. /daguit/, /thagut/, Danaw /taʔ3kot2/, Riang White /rɤku:t\ /, Black /rəkut\ /, Palaung /ăguʔ1,3, Wa /kɯt1/, Khmer /grwac/, Biat /gôi/, Srê /rəgut/, T'eng /təgut/, Khasi /tyut/, Mundari /gagar/Chin. 鶉 chún (thuần) | VS. 'cuncút' reduplicative '鶉 chún (cun)' + '鶉 chún (cút) | M 鶉 chún < MC dʒwin < OC *dhwǝn ***Most of the forms are cognates, including the C reduplicative compound.
diềuhâu 'bird of prey', 'kite' No Old Mon, mod. /hawkluiŋ/ (large hornbill) (?), Danaw /kăyɑŋ4kyɑŋ2/, Riang White and Black /klɑŋ-/, Palaung /klɑŋ2/, Dnaw /klɑŋ2/, Khmer /khlaŋ/ (fish eagle), Sakai /kělâtn/, Semang /kělă/ Malay /hělɑŋ/, Srê, Bahnar /klaŋ/, T'eng /klaŋ/, Khasi /khlɪeŋ/Chin. 鳶 yuān (SV diên) | M 鳶 yuān < MC lwan < OC *jwen **The V and C forms are cognates.
ưng 'vulture' Old Mon /timmāt/, /tammāt/, mod. /tamāt/, Danaw /lɔŋ2tɑʔ2/, Riang White /lɑŋ\tɑʔ\ /, Black /klɑŋ-tɑʔ\ /, Palaung /lɑŋ3ɗɑ2/, Wa /klɑŋ4préŋ2/,Old Khmer /tmāt/, Old Burmese /lāŋta/, Shan /laŋta/, /naŋta/Chin. 鷹 yīng (SV ưng) VS 'ó' (hawk) | M 鷹 yīng < MC ʔiŋ < OC *ʔjəŋ ****It looks like only the Chin. and V. forms are cognates.
ác 'crow' Viet. /ác/, Old Mon /kil-ak/, /kil-ek/, mod. /kɑɗɑk/, Danaw /lɔŋ4ɑʔ2/, Riang White /luʔ\ʔɑk-/, Balck /luk\ɑk-/, Palaung /kă\ʔɑʔ1/, Wa /lak3/, Old Khmer /kāk/, Sakai /aag/, /gaag/, Semang /ukag/, Malay /gagak/, Srê /kənɗɑ/, Bahnar /āk/, T'eng /kăʔak/, K'mu /klāk/Chin. 烏 wū, wù, yā, yān (SV ô, ác) VS 'quạ', 'ác' | M 烏 wū, wù, yā, yān < MC ʔo < OC *ʔā | According to Starostin: Later also attested in the sense ('black as a crow' > ) 'black, very dark'. ***All forms are cognates with an extra variant for the V word as /quạ/.)
ruồi 'house-fly' Viet. /ruồi/, no Old Mon, mod. /ruai/, Danaw /rui4/, /hrui4/, Riang White and Black /ruəɪ\ /, Palaung /rɔ'i2/, Wa /rɔi2/, Khmer /ruy/ Sakai /rūl/, /ruoi/, Besisi /roi/, Nicobarese /yüe/, Car Nicobarese /ɪn-Rúɛ/, Biat /rʾhūai/, Bahnar /rɔi/, T'eng /ròé/, Mundari /roko/Chin. 蠅 yíng 'fly' SV dăng ~ VS nhặng, lằng | M 蠅 yíng < MC jiŋ < OC *ljəŋ | See more etymology in the next chapter. ***All MK etyma are cognates while the C form 蠅 yíng could be a variant with different sound to point to the same bug (VS nhặng, lằng).
mối 'white ant' Viet. /mối/, no Old Mon, mod. /samat/, Danaw /tɔŋ4kʿrun2/, Riang White /pruiñ\ /, /priñ\ /, Palaung /brun2/, Wa /mɔ1,3/..) Ols Khmer /samoc/ Malay /sěmut/, T'eng /hmuic/, Mundari /muiʔ/ 螞 mă, mà, mā ~ phonetic M 馬 mă < MC mɑ < OC *mra:ʔ | ex. 螞蟻 măyǐ (VS kiếnmối) 'white ant' | Chin. 蟻 yǐ < MC ŋé < OC *ŋhajʔ **All cross-linguistic family etyma are cognate to V. 'mối' as Luce's notation. In that case V 'kiến' is possibly cognate to either Chin. /yì/ or /xiàn/.)
chấy 'louse in the hair' Viet. /chấy/, no Old Mon. mod. /cai/, Danaw /tsɪ1/, Riang White and Black /sʿɪʔ/, Palaung /sɑ'ɪ2/, /sɔ2/, Wa /ʃɪʔ1/, Khmer /caɪ/, Sakai /cha/ Semang /chiʾ/, Nicobarese /shēɪ/, Stieng /sɪh/, Srê /săi/, T'eng /séʔ/, Khasi /ksi/, Mundari /siku/Chin 虱 shī (SV siết, sắt) | M 虱 shī ~ M 蝨 shī < MC ʂit < OC *srit | FQ 所櫛 ****Also, V /chí/. Interestingly enough, the Chin form /shī/ appears to be cognate to other AA forms, too, and that could likely be coincidental.
trứng 'egg' Old Mon /tumʾāy/ (?), mod. /kʿamhāai/, Banaw /kătn4/, /kătUn4/, Riang White and Black /tam-/, Wa /tɔm2/, Sakai /tap/, Shom Peng /kâtēab/, Bahnar /kətap/, Lemet /ntam/, T'eng /kədóŋ/Chin. 蛋 dàn (SV đản) *****Beside other MK forms, it is with certainty that the V 'trứng' is cognate to the Chin /dàn/.
lụa 'silk' No Old Mon, mod. /sut/, Danaw /kătuʔ2/, Riang White /sʿɤtuʔ\ /, Black /sʿətuʔ/, Palaung /ɗéu2/, Wa /tɑ'əʔ1/Chin. 綢 chóu (SV trù, thao) ~ 縷 lǚ (SV lũ, lâu) | M 綢 (紬) chóu, diào, tāo < MC ɖǝw < OC *dru || M 縷 lǚ < MC lʊ < OC *rhoʔ | According to Starostin : silk thread (L.Zhou). Viet. lụa is a colloquial loan (probably of Late Han time); regular Sino-Viet. is lũ. ***The Mon /sut/ looks like a cognate to the V 'lụa/ and others like V 'tơlụa', all point to the C 綢 /chóu/ for 'lụa' and 絲綢 /sīchóu/ for 'tơlụa'.
keo 'lac' No Old Mon, mod. /krek/, /krut/, Danaw /yaŋ4kʿărék3/, Riang White /trɔit-/, Black /trɔic-/, Palaung /krɤɪʔ1/, krɔ'it1/, Mundari /êrê-ko/Chin. 蟲膠 chóngjiāo, 蟲脂 chóngzhǐ | M 膠 jiāo, háo, jiăo, jiào, năo, qiāo < MC kɑw < OC *kri:w *Semantically V 'keo', cognate to the Chin. 膠 jiāo 'glue', is not exactly 'lac', but it looks like those of other forms listed by Luce for this item.
rừng 'forest' Old Mon grīp/, mod. /gruip/ Danaw /pʿrɑ2bo4/, Riang White /priʔ\ /, Black /prɪʔ\ /, Palaung /bréɪ2/, Wa /brɑʔ3/, Old Khmer /vraɪ/, Sakai /brɪ/, Besisi /ʾmbri/, Semang /těpɪʾ/, Srê /brɪ/, T'eng /brɪ/, K'mu /mprɪ/, Khasi /brɪ/, (=grove), Mundari /bɪr/Chin. 林 lín ‘forest’ (SV lâm) | M 林 lín < MC lim < OC *rjəm < PC **rjəɱ | cf. OC *srjəm: 森 (sâm) rậm. | Tibetan languages Kachin: diŋgram2 'forest', Lushei: ram 'forest', Burmese: rum 'dense' | Cant. /lʌm2/ | ¶ l- ~ r-, ex. 龍 lóng (SV long) rồng 'dragon' ***Including the /brɪ/ form, most of them are loosely cognate to the V 'rừng' which is more affirmatively a plausible cognate with the C /lín/.)
cây 'tree', 'wood' Viet. /cây/, /thân/, Old Mon /cʿuʾ/, /tam/, mod. /tnam/, Danaw /tsok4θé1/, Riang White /tɤŋ-kʿɛʔ-/, Black /təŋ-kʿɛʔ-/, Palaung /héi2/, /hɑ'i2/, /hɔ'i2/, /taŋ2/, /tiŋ2/, teŋ2/, Wa /kʿɪʔ/, kʿɑuʔ1/ (firewwood), Old Khmer /jhe/, /tem/, tnem/, Sakai /jěhu/, Semang /tum/, Old Malay /kāyu/, /bataŋ/ Nicobarese /chīa/, Srê /chɪ/, /təm/, T'eng /həʔɛ`ʔ/ (firewood), P'uman /zɪe/, K'mu /che/, Khasi /ba-eh (wooden), /dieng/ (tree), Mundari /sɪŋ/Chin. 株 zhū (SV châu) ~ VS 'cây' | M 株 zhū < MC tʂʊ < OC *to || Chin. 樹 shù (SV thụ) VS cây 'tree', 木 mù (SV mộc) VS gỗ 'wood', 材 cái (SV tài) VS gỗ 'wood', 柴 căi VS cũi 'firewood', 本 běn (SV bổn) VS thân 'trunk' | M 樹 shù < MC tʂʊ < OC *dhoʔ || M 木 mù < MC muk < OC *mho:k || M 材 cái < MC ʑʊj < OC *ʑhjə: | According to Starostin: MC ʒʌj < OC *ʒhǝ̄j = 才 ***Looking at the lexical patterns appear in Luce's list for this item in different languages, we can similarly associate them with those in C which could be good candiates for the cognates with V forms such as 'cây' 樹 shù for tree, 柴 căi 'cũi' firewood, 材 cái 'gỗ' wood, 'thân' trunk, each which differentiates better every distinctive etymon, phonologically and lexically.
rễ 'root' Viet. /rễ/, no Old Mon, mod. /ruih/, Danaw /tɔŋ2rít4/, Riang White rias\ /, Black /riɛ`\ /, Palaung /riɛh3/, Wa /riah5/, Khmer /rīs/, rưs/, Besisi /purus/, Semang /yaes/ Car Nicobarese /Reh/, Sre^ /riăs/, Bahnar /riəh/, /rə/, T'eng /riaχ/, /riɛχ/, Khasi /trai/, Mundai /redʔ/Chin. 蒂 dì (SV đế) | M 蒂 (蔕) dì < MC tiaj < OC *tɛjs | ¶ d- ~ r- ***Even though all other languages demonstrate apparently plausible cognates etymologically, the V 'rễ' and Chin. /dì/ form also show similar correspondences phonologically.
lá 'leaf' Viet. /lá/, Old Mon /sla/, mod. /sla/, Danaw /lɑ1/, Riang White and Black /laʔ-/, Palaung /hlɑ2/, Wa /laʔ3/, Old Khmer /slik/, Sakai /sělâk/, Nicobarese /dai/, /rai/, Biat /nʾha/, Bahnar /hla/, P'u-man /hla/, T'eng /hlaʔ/, Khasi /sla/, Mundari /araʔ/ (edible leafChin. 葉 yè (SV diệp) | M 葉 yè, dié, shè < MC jep < OC *lhap < OC *lap < PC **lɒp | According to Starostin: Proto-Austro-Asiatic: *la, Proto-Katuic: *la, Proto-Bahnaric: *la, Khmer: sla:, Proto-Pearic: *laʔ.N, Proto-Vietic: *laʔ, s-, Proto-Monic: *la:ʔ, Proto-Palaungic: *laʔ, Proto-Khmu: *laʔ, Khasi: sla-diŋ, Proto-Aslian: *sǝlaʔ, Proto-Viet-Muong: *laʔ, ʔ-, Thomon: la.343ʔ, Tum: la.212 | Tibetan languages: ldeb lá, tờ, Burmese: ɑhlap cánhhoa., Kachin: lap2 lá, Lushei: le:p búp, Lepcha: lop lá, Rawang ʂɑ lap lá (cuốn bánh) ; Trung ljəp1 lá, Bahing lab. Sh. 138; Ben. 70.****In addition the obvious cognates among those listed MK lexicons, the V form 'lá' also shows etymological similarity with the 葉 yè with its ancient sounds.)
bông 'flower' Old Mon /pkāw/,/pluh/, mod. /pkaw/, /raŋ/, Danaw /puɑŋ1po4/, /po4/, Riang White /pɤdɑk-/, /pɔ-/, Black /dɑk-/, /pɔ-/, Palaung /dɑk-/, /ɓɔh3/, Wa /tɑi2/, /pruh5tɑi2/, Old Khmer /pkā/, Sakai /běkáu/, Srê, Bahnar /bɔkao/, T'eng /raŋ/ Lemet /raŋ/, Khasi /phuh/ (=blossom)Chin. 葩 pā (SV ba), 花 huā (SV hoa) | M 葩 pā < MC bɒ < OC *bra: || M 花 huā (SV hoa) ~ 華 huā, huá (Hoa) \ Cant. 花 /fa1/ ~ VS 'bông' 葩 pā (SV ba) | M 花 huā < MC xwa < OC *sŋrōjs | Also, 芭 bā (SV ba) VS bông ****The variant forms in different languages show that they are cognate to each other while at the same time the V. form /bông/ also points to the Chin. 葩 pā and 花 huā forms as its cognates.)
trái 'fruit' Old Mon /sac/, mod. /sat/, Danaw /plé1/, Riang White and Black /plɛ`\ /, Palaung /plɑ'i2/, /pléi2/, Wa pléʔ/, Old Khmer /ple/, Srê /plê, T'eng /pléh/,Lemet /pʿli/, Khasi /soh/Chin. 實 shí (SV thực) | M 實 shí < MC ʑit < OC *lit | According to Starostin: be solid, true; actually, really. Used also for *lit 'fruit'; *lit 'be rich'. The three meanings of 實 are probably one and the same word: 'fruit' < 'to be fruitful = rich'; 'to bring fruits < be effective, true'. Viet. has also a colloquial loanword thiệt 'real, genuine'. cf. M 水果 shuǐguǒ (VS 'tráicây') ***All forms appears to be cognate to each other, including the C 實 shí and Old Mon /sac/, mod. /sat/ which are cognate to SV 'thực', 'thật' (reality). In the meanwhile, the AA /pl-/ forn appears to fit into old VietMuong /blai/ for 'trái'. The core question of the matter here is, "Is any form of C 實, i.e., those of OC, AC, etc., truly cognate to V 'trái' and, for that matter, to all other AA forms?)
gai 'thorn' Old Mon /jirla/, mod. /jala/, Danaw /kălaʔ2/, Riang White /sʿɤr\kɤt-/, Black /sʿərkət-/ , Palaung /pă\ʔɛʔ1/, Wa /kat1/, Sakai /jěrlâkn/, Semang /jliʾ/ Bahnar /jělaʔ/, T'eng /cərlaʔ/, Khasi /shah/, Nicobarese /hēt/Chin. 棘 jí (SV cức) | M 棘 jí, jì < MC kik < OC *kǝk **Phonologically, the V 'gai' could possibly be cognate to Chin. 棘 jí, ex. 荊棘 jīngjí: VS 'chôngai/ 'thistles and thorns'.)
cựa 'burr' No Mon, Danaw /tăbyɪt3/, Riang White /sʿɤvwɔit\ /, Black /sʿəvwɔic\ /, Palaung /kābiʔ1/, Wa /pi:t1/VS 'cựa' 'bur', 'burr'. | Chin. 棘 jí (SV cức) M 棘 jí, jì < MC kik < OC *kǝk *Again, the C 棘 jí could possibly give rise to both 'gai' and 'cựa'.
cám 'thusk of rice' Viet. /cám/, Old Khmer /aŋkām/, Malay /sěkam/, Biat /nʾkʿop/, T'eng /kam/, Lemet /nkām/, Khasi /skap/Chin. 糠 kāng (SV khang), 糝糠 sănkāng (SV tầmkhang) VS tấmcám 'broken rice husk and bran residue left from ground rice grains'; hence, figuratively, 'impoverished' | M 糝 săn < MC sɣm < OC *sjə:mʔ || M 糠 kāng < MC kʌŋ < OC *ka:ŋ *****Besides other forms, it is no undeniable that the C /kāng/ is cognate to the V /cám/ with the interchage of their syllables /-ang/ ~ /-am/. It is likely that both V and Chin. form originated from the same root, including that of compound /tấmcám/ 'rice husk residue'.
nấm 'mushroom', 'fungus' Old Mon ptis/, mod. /ptuɪh/, Danaw /tət3,1/, Riang White /tis-/, Black /kətis-/, /tis-/, Palaung /ɗi:h2/, /ɗi:χ3/, Wa /ti:h5/, Old Khmer /phsit/, Sakai /betis/, Besisi /pětīh/, Semang /tēhs/, Srê /bēsīt/, Biat /chêt/, T'eng /tɪh/, Khasi /tɪt/Chin. 菌 jūn (SV khuẩn) | M 菌 jùn, jūn, juàn, qùn < MC gwɨn < OC *ghrun, *khwiɲ | According to Starostin: mushroom (L.Zhou). Viet. khuẩn reflects an unattested variant MC *khwi/n (reflected also in Fuzhou khuŋc,3s|). | ¶ jw-, qw- (*khw-) ~ n- / jw - ~> w- **The V 'nấm' and Chin 稛 kǔn could be cognates given their phonology with the interchange of palatal affricate to that of nasal sound and meanings.
tranh 'thatch grass' No Old Mon, mod. /suit/, /tnam cwo/, Danaw /plɑŋ4/, Riang White and Black /plɑŋ-/, Palaung /plɑŋ2/, Wa /plɔŋ2/, Sakai /plôkn/ (thatch leaves), Besisi /ploŋ/, Khasi /phlang/ (grassChin. 莛 tíng (SV đình) | M 莛 tíng ~ phonetic stem M 廷 (庭) tíng < MC dieŋ < OC *ɬhe:ŋ | PNH: QĐ ting4, Hẹ tin2 | Shuowen: 莖也。从艸廷聲。特丁切。 清代段玉裁『說文解字注』 ****All other forms point to V /tranh/ given old Vietic /bl-/ ~ /tr-? while both the V and C forms appear to be cognate.)
thuốc 'drug, medicine' Old Mon /kin-ūy/, mod. /ga-uai/, Danaw /lɔŋ2ŋɑ4/, /tɔŋ2ŋɑ4/, Riang White /sʿɤnɤm\ /, Black /sʿənəm\, sănam2/, Wa /ʃi4tah5/, /Khmer /tʿnām/, Srê /sənɔm/Chin. 藥 yào (SV dược) | 藥 yào, yuè, shuò < MC jak < OC *lak | FQ 以灼 | According to Starostin : to give medicine, cure. Also used in the diesheng 勺藥 *dakw|-lakw| 'peony'. | ¶ y- ~ th- | cf. 龠 yuè (SV dược ~ thược), 鑠 shuò (SV thước) *****There is little doubt that V 'thuốc' is plausibly cognate to the C form 藥 yào.
rau 'curry', 'vegetables' No Old Mon, mod. /swa/, /kʿanew/, Danaw /tu1/, Riang White /sʿɤtuʔ-/, Black /sʿətuʔ-/, Palaung /ɗéu2/, Wa /sɑɯʔ1/, Khasi /jhur/Chin. 菜 cài (SV tháI) | M 菜 cài < MC chɤj < OC *shjə:ʔs | FQ 倉代 ***For the denotation of 'vegetables', only the C form /cài/ seems to be cognate to the V 'rau' while Luce's cited 'curry' is irrelevant.
trúc 'bamboo' Viet. /trúc/, Old Mon /dūñ/, mod. /dun/, Danaw /kărɔʔ2/, Riang White /rɤŋ-/, Black /rəŋ-/, Palaung /hraŋ2/, Wa /oʔ1/, Besisi /dɪkŋ/, Nicobarese /hedw/, Srê, Bahnar /diŋ/ (bamboo pipe), K'mu /rahaŋ/Chin. 竹 zhú (SV trúc) VS tre 'bamboo' | M 竹 zhú < MC ʈʊk < OC *truk *****The two forms in both Chin. /zhú/ and V /trúc/ forms are cognates for sure, including V /tre/, yet it is interesting to see how diverse are the sound changes occur in other languages for this item.
măng 'edible bamboo shoots' Viet. /măng/, Old Mon /tbaŋ/, mod. /tɓaŋ/, Danaw /tu1bôŋ4/, Riang White /kɤtjoʔ\ /, Black /kətsoʔ\ /, Palaung /bɑŋ2/, Wa /sɑɯ1/, Khmer /dambaŋ/, Sakai /rêbôk/, Besisi /lemboŋ/, Samang /abboŋ/, Malay /rêboŋ/, Bahnar /təbaŋ/, Srê /ɓan/Chin. 萌 méng (SV manh), 秧 yāng (SV ương), Also: VS mầm 'young shoot' | M 萌 (氓) méng < MC maijŋ < OC *mhreŋ | Starostin: bud, young shoot, to sprout (Late Zhou). Reconstruction *m(h)rǝ̄ŋ is also possible (hsiehsheng would suggest *m(h)rāŋ, but in this case the MC form would be irregular). Regular Sino-Viet. is manh; another loan from the same source is possibly Viet. mống 'bud, germ'. || M 秧 yāng < MC ʔaŋ < OC *ʔaŋ | Achording to Starostin: young shoots, seedlings (Tang) | Proto-Austro-Asiatic: *bʔaŋ, Proto-Katuic: *bʔaŋ, Proto-Bahnaric: *bʔaŋ, Khmer: lǝmbɔŋ, Proto-Vietic: *ʔp-Proto-Viet-Muong: *ʔbaŋ, t-, #, Muong dialect: păŋ.1, Arem: ʔabaŋ ,Proto-Ruc: *baŋ.1, t-, Ruc (Russian field rec.): taʔbaŋ.1, Ruc tabaŋ.1, Thavung-So: baŋ.1 ***Except for a few languages, all others appear to be cognate, including the C forms. However, the modern C for 'bamboo shoots' is 竹筍 zhúsǔn and 萌 méng 'young shoot' commonly appear in the compound 萌芽 méngyá with SV manhnha 'young bud' while 芽 yá, to be considered as a basic word, is cognate to V 'giá' meaning 'young sprouts'.
rẫy 'hill cultivation' No Old Mon, mod. /gū/, Danaw /ré1/, /hré1/,Riang White and Black /mɑ\ /, Palaung /mɑr2/, Wa /mɑ2/, T'eng /hré/, Biat, Srê /mir/, Khasi /kper/ (field)Chin. 壠 lǒng (SV lũng) | M 壠 (壟 ) lǒng, lōng < MC lowŋ < OC *rhoŋʔ | Chin. also has a compound 梯田 tītián (SV thêđiền) that points to another V word as 'ruộngbậcthang' @&# ‘梯級田 tījítián’ (seemingly new coined word) ~ V @# M 梯田 tītián \ Vh @ 田 tián ~ đồng, ruộng | { M 梯 tī < MC thiej < OC *ɫhjə:j || M 田 (佃) tián < MC dien < OC *lhi:n}, meaning 'ladder terraced field' and none of these forms do not look like original indigenous words. *While V 'rẫy' appears to be cognate to some of MK words, the C 梯田 tītián could be the case of contraction if it has anything to do with the V 'rẫy' at all and the C 壠 lǒng (SV lũng) is more possibly cognate to 'nương'.
lúa 'paddy' Old Mon and modern /sroʾ/, Danaw /bɑ1/, Siang White /ŋUʔ-/, Black /ŋoʔ-/, Palaung /hŋɑ'2/, Wa /ŋoʔ3/, Khasi /kba/, Mundari /baba/, Old Burmese /capā/, Old Kmer /srū/Chin. 來 lái (SV lai) 'unhusked rice' (SV lai) | M 來 lái < MC ljəj < OC *rjə: | See elaboration in the previous chapter. ***While Starostin cites this etymon as 稻 dào for 'lúa', the V form does not look like being cognate to other forms in other AA languages while the C 來 lái 'lúa' is plausible. The 稻 dào ('lúa') is supposedly a loanword in C. See 'gạo' below.
gạo 'husked rice' Viet. /gạo/, Old Mon /sŋoʾ/, mod. /sŋu/, Danaw /ku/, Riang White and Black /koʔ-/, Palaung /răkɑ'u2/, Wa /ŋ-gɑ'u3ʔ/Old Khmer /raŋko/, Nicobarese /atôe/, T'eng /hŋɔʔ, Khasi /khaw/, Shan /khaw/Chin. 稻 dào (SV đạo) | M 稻 dào < MC dɑw < OC *lhu:ʔ ~ ɫhu:ʔ (Schuessler : MC dâu < OC *gləwʔ or *mləwʔ) | MC reading 效開一上皓定 | According to Starostin: Viet. 'lúa' (unhusked rice). See elaboration of 'lúa' and 'gạo' in the above section. ****All looks like cognates, but for the C form it is strongly believed that it is a loanword from the other languages and it should be 'unhusked rice' in both C and V.
thóc 'millet' No Mon, Danaw /kʿwé4/, Riang White /(kɑi-)kʿuɑi-/, Black /(kai-)kʿuai-/, no Palaung and Wa forms, Khasi /krai/Chin. 粟 sù (SV túc) | M 粟 sù < MC sjouk < OC *shok ***While the V and C forms are cognate, some forms in other languages look like 'khoai' in V, meaning 'yam, tarot' or V 'cốc' cereal which inturn is from the C 穀 gǔ.
xuyêncốc 'Job's tears' ('Coix lacryma-jobi') No Mon forms, Danaw /(plé1)bé2/, Riang White /sʿɤtuʔ-/, Black /sʿətuʔ-/, Chin. 川穀 chuāngǔ ***The Danaw /(plé1)bé2/ form appear to be cognate to V. /bobo/ while Riang White /sʿɤtuʔ-/, Black /sʿətuʔ-/ 'xuyêncốc' which is from Chin. 川穀 chuāngǔ
vía 'spirit (intox)' No Mon forms, Danaw /kădo4/, Riang White /kɤdɑu-/, Black /kədɑu-/, Wa /plɑi2/Chin. 魄 pó (SV phách) VS 'vía' | M 魄 pò, tuò, bó (phách, thác, bạc) < MC phajk, thak < OC *paɨjk, *thak | ¶ p- ~ v- ***No similar forms in V. seem to point to the limited list given by Luce for this item while the C forms are numerous and vary greatly depending on what we are referring to. In any cases, in V we have an interesting 'vía' which is cognate to the Chin. 魄 pó.
độc 'poison' No Old Mon, mod. /kyɪ/, Danaw /tɑŋ2tsɤʔ4/, Riang White /kɤtjɔʔ\ /, Black /kətsɔʔ/, no Palaung and Wa formsChin. 毒 dú (SV độc) | M 毒 dú < MC tɦəwk < OC *dəwk *****The Riang forms look like the V and Chin. cognates with something similar to V /chấtđộc/ 'poisonous substance' which is equivalent to to Chin. 毒質 dúzhí ~ SV 'độcchất' in familiarly reverse compound form.
củ 'taro, tubers' Old Mon /krow/ (ʔ), mod. /krau/, Danaw /kărō1/, Riang White /sʿɤroʔ-/, Black /sʿəroʔ-/, Wa /krɑuʔ1/, Khasi /shriew/, Mundari /aru/, /saru/Chin. 塊莖 kuàijīng (SV khốicanh) ~ VS khoaisắn ~ củ, khoai, sắn. Also: Chin. 薯 shǔ (SV thự) | M 薯 shǔ < MC ʂjə < OC *dʑɨjə ***All the V forms khoaisắn ~ củ, khoai, and sắn, seem to be cognates to all languages involved.
đậu 'bean' Old Mon /bāy/ (?), mod. /ɓɑi/, Danaw /bɑi4/, Riang White /rɤbɑi-/, Black /rəbɑi-/, /bɑi-/, Palaung /rābɑ'i2/, Wa /pɛ`2/, Khmer /pāy/, etc.Chin 荳 dòu (SV đậu), 豆 dòu (VS, also 'nồi' cooking pot. See elaboration below. ) | M 豆 dòu < MC dow < OC *dho:s *****While all the MK forms appear something similar to /bai/, /pai/... which can not be cognate to both the Chin. /dòu/ and V /đậu/.
trầu 'betel', 'betel-leaf' Viet. /trầu/, Mid Mon /sablu/, mod. /jablu/, Danaw /(lɑ1)ku:n2/, Riang White and Black /plu\ /, Palaung /plu2/, Wa /pu2/, Old Khmer /amlo/, Sakai /bluk/, Biat /mʾlu/, Bahnar /bəlâu/, T'eng /blu/, Khasi /tympew/, Old Burmese /sammlhū/ (betel), kwam /areca/Chin. 柄榔 bīngláng (SV bínhlang), cf. old VietMuong /blau/ ****With the Chin. 柄榔 bīngláng that is cognate to all MK forms, there is no doubt that this is a loanword in Chin. See elaboration in the next chapter.
mè 'sesamum', 'sesame' No Old Mon, mod. /daŋnau/, /laŋau/, Danaw /lɔŋ2ŋɑʔ4/, Riang White /lɤŋɑʔ\ /, /lək\ŋɑʔ\ /, Palaung /răŋɑ2/, Wa /ŋyéʔ3/, /ŋɛ`2/, /ŋɑʔ3/, Old Knhmer /lŋo/, Malay /ləŋa/, Biat /rʾŋa/ Shan /ŋāChin. 麻 má (SV ma) | M 麻 má < MC ma < OC *mhra:j | FQ 莫霞 | Starostin: hemp (Cannabis sativa). Standard Sino-Viet. is ma. For *mh- cf. Shaowu mai7.*****V and C forms are cognate with no relation to other languages.)
mía 'sugarcane', 'molasses' Viet. /mía/, Old Mon /tbow/, /tanglāy/, mod. /taŋglāai/, Danaw /tɔŋ1nɑi2/, Riang White /tɑm-lɑi\ /, Black /tam-lɑi\ /, Palaung /nɑm3mɑ'ì/, /-mɔi2/, Wa /me2/, /ñɔm4ɔ'i2/, Malay /těbu/, Nicobarese /poh/ T'eng /kəlmé/, Khasi /paɪ/Chin. 蔗 zhè (SV giá) | M 蔗 zhè < MC tʂɒ < OC *tiaks | Pulleyblank: LM tʂia < EM tɕia *Sugarcane used to be native in South China and the V /mía/ looks like agreeing with some othe MK forms in Luce's list. In the meanwhile, the sound change patterns in the C form also suggest some correspondences since this may be a loanword in C.
tranh 'palmyra, toddy palm' Old Mon /tāl/ (< Sanskrit), mod. /tā/, Danaw /(tsok4)tʿan2/, Riang White /(tɤŋ-)tʿan-/, Black /tʿɑn-/, Palaung /tʿɑn3/, Sanskrit /tāla/, Old Burmese /tʿan/, Shan /tʿan/Chin. 扇葉 shănyè (SV phiếndiệp) VS látranh ~ tranh (Borassus flabellifer) | M 扇 shān, shàn (thiên, phiến, thiến) < MC ʂen < OC *xen | FQ 式連 *Palmyra used to be native in India, so 扇葉 shănyè could simply be a translation of the word.
me 'tamarind' Old Mon /maŋglañ/, /maŋgleñ/, mod. /maŋ glan/, Danaw /maŋ4kléŋ2/, Riang White /maŋ\klɛ`ŋ\/, Black /maŋ\klɛ`əŋ\ /, Palaung /mákaŋ2/, Wa /(pléʔ1)pʿak1/, Old Burmese /maŋklañ/, Shan /makkiŋ/Chin. 酸梅 suānméi (SV toanmuộI) VS mechua ~ me (Tamarindus indica) | M 梅 méi < MC moj < OC *mjə: | FQ 莫杯 ***Tamarind trees can only found in tropical regions in the southern hemisphere, but somehow the V form seems to be derived from that word, which could be a mere coincidence and association since 梅 méi still used to denote other things, phonologically and etymologically V cognates though, like 'mận' (plum), 'dâu' (berry), 'mai' (Japanese plum blossom, a kind of flower that appear on the Hong Kong's flag and it is used an emblem of the Taiwan's Airlines.
gừng 'ginger' No Old Mon, mod. /tagaw/, /lagaw/, Danaw /kătsaŋ4/, Riang White /kɤsʿiaŋ-/, Black /kəsʿɛ`ŋ, Palaung /ʃiaŋ2/, /cʿo:ŋ2/, Wa /ʃi4kiŋ2/, Khasi /sying/Chin. 薑 jiāng (SV khương) QT 薑 jiāng < MC kaŋ < OC *kaŋ | Pt 居良 | ¶ j- ~ g- *****The V and C forms are cognate to other forms except for the modern Mon forms even though they are cited by Luce as the Danaw form sub-strata.
chè 'tea' No Old Mon, mod. lak(pʿak), Danaw /mi:n2/, Riang White /myɛ`m\ /, Blak /mɛ`m\ /, Palaung /myɛ`m2/, Wa /lɑ2/, Burmese /lak/, /-phak/Chin. 茶 chá (SV trà) | M 茶 chá < MC ɖa < OC *ɫa: | Starostin: tea (Han). See notes to 荼. Viet. chè is colloquial; the regular Sino-Viet. form is trà | FQ 宅加 *****The V and C forms are cognate and sound similarly while others diverge greatly. This etymon might have an Yue origin since tea was a product of China South with its homebase had been in today's Fujian Province.
nghệ 'turmeric' Curcama) (No Old Mon, mod. /mit/, Danaw /kʿămət2/, Riang White /rɤmit\ /, Black /rəmit\ /, Srê /rəmit/, Mnong Gar /rmut/Chin. 艾 ài, yì (SV nghệ, ngải) | M 艾 ài, yì < MC ŋaj < OC *ŋaj, *ŋɨaj ***There is no doubt that both the C and V forms are cognate, but 艾 yì (SV nghệ) might not be native in ancient China.
kiệu 'leeks' No Mon forms, Danaw /kʿnuʔ1/, Riang White /..kʿyu-/, Black /cʿu-/, Palaung /(ɗéu2)kau4/Chin.韭 (韮) jǐu (SV cựu) | M 韭 (韮) jǐu < MC kǝw < OC *kruʔ | ¶ j- ~ h- ****All forms listed here point to Chin. /jǐu/, which shows the same origin. The question is from which language these etyma have originated?
cà 'aubergine', 'brinjal' No Old Mon, mod. /kʿaɗoŋ/, Danaw /(plé1)lôn2/, Riang White /tɤr\luŋ\ /, Black /tər\luŋ\ /Chin. 茄 qié (SV già) | M 茄 qié < MC ga < OC *ghiaj | QÐ: khe12, Hm: khe11 $; kio12; khe12, TrC: kie12, Pk: kia11, Th: ka32 | từ vaymượn trong tiếngHán | Starostin: The oldest attested meaning and reading is OC *kra:j, MC ka. (FQ 求迦), Mand. jia: 'lotus stalk' (Han); the meaning 'egg-fruit' is attested since Tsin. The MC reading ga is exceptional (-a normally does not occur after velars) and may be dialectal; thus the OC form for 'egg-fruit' could have been *ghaj. Viet. cà is colloquial; regular Sino-Viet. is già. For *gh- cf. Xiamen khe2. | ex. 茄子 qiézi (SV giàtử) ~ VS càtím 'eggplant' (Solanum melongena) ~ VS 'cà' (a bushy perennial plant belonging to the potato family) *****All other forms are absent from Luce's list even though aubergine, brinjal, or eggplant are known native in southern regions while 茄 qié is a generic term which is cognate to V /cà/.
gòn 'cotton' (plant) No Old Mon /tow/, Danaw /pʿɑi4/, Riang White and Black /pʿɑi-/, Wa /tɑ2/,Old Khmer /pa-ɪk/ (cotton cloth), Khasi /khynphad/Chin. 草棉 căomián (SV thảomiên) ~ > 'gòn' (?) \ @ 棉 mián ~ VS 'bông' via ¶ m- ~ b- | ~ 棉 mián 'cotton, blanket, soft' (SV miên) VS 'mền' (blanket), 'mềm' (soft), 'mịn' | M 棉 mián ~ 綿 mián < MC mjen < OC *men | FQ 武延 | cf. 棉花 miánhuā (~ VS bôngvải 'cotton'), 棉木 miánmù, 棉布 miánbù (~ VS vảibông 'cotton cloth'), 木棉 mùmián (~ VS câygòn 'cotton plant') *With the meaning 'cotton' the V words vary depending on what object is specifically referred to. For example, for 'cotton' the V word is 'bôngvải', 'cotton plant' 'câybônggòn', but for 'cotton cloth' the right compound should be 'áovải' or 'áobông' while 'cotton pad' is 'bônggòn'.
bôngsợi 'cotton yarn', 'thread' Old Mon /tol/ (< Samskrit), mod. /tow/, Danaw /lu1/, Riang White and Black /luʔ-/, Palaung /sɑŋ2/, /sen2/, Khasi /ksai/, Sanskrit /tūla/Chin. 棉線 miánqiàn (SV miêntuyến) ~ VS 'sợibông' | Chin. 棉 mián ~ VS 'bông', 線 qiàn VS 'sợi' (thread) | M 線 xiàn < MC sjɜn < OC *sars *While there is no corelation in other languages and the V form 'bông' once reduced from Chin. 棉 mián, then the compound 棉線 miánqiàn can give rise to V as 'bôngsợi' and 'sợibông' in reverse order.
quảvả 'fig tree' (Ficus) Old Mon /jrey/, mod. /jrai/, Danaw /kăriʔ1/, Riang White /tjɤriʔ\ /, Black /tjəriʔ\ /, Palaung /tăruŋ2/ (F religiosa), Old Khmer /jray/, /jrai/, Sakai /wi/, Semang /sawet/, Malay /jawi-jawi/, Car Nicobarese /chăRi/ (banyan), Biat /rʿwi/, Bahar /jəri/, T'eng /jri/, Khasi /jri/ (=rubbei), Mundari /ãri/, /bari/Chin. 無花果 wúhuāguǒ (Ficus carica) ~ VS 'quảvả' \ @ 無 wú ~ 'vả' *The only way to relate this compound 無花果 wúhuāguǒ is that 無花 wúhuā gives riseto the contracted 'vả' with a drop of the syllable /huā/ .
dâyleo 'creeper' Old Mon /juk/, mod. /juk/, Danaw /tseŋ2/, Riang White /tji:ŋ\ /, Black /tsi:ŋ\ /, Palaung /kăsaŋ2/, Wa /mɑ3/ (rope)Chin. 攀緣 fànyuán (SV phanduyên) | M 緣 yuán, yùn (duyên, duyến) < MC jwen < OC *ɫonr | Starostin: hem (of robe) (L.Zhou) Cf. also a colloquial loan in Viet.: viền 'to hem, to border'. Also used for homonymous *L^on (-r) 'to go along, follow; reason, destination' and *L^on (-r) 'to climb a tree'. *The author is not sure if 緣 yuán is the right morph for 'dây' or 'leo'.
gốc 'stump of tree' Mid. Mon /daguiw/, mod. /dʿaguiw/, Danaw /tɔŋ2ŋɔt4/, Riang White /tjɤl\ŋɤl\ /, Black /tsəl\ŋəl\ /, Palaung /ŋói2/, Wa /klUh5/, Old Burmese /ŋut/, Malay /tuŋgul/, Biat /yôkŋǒl/, Srê /təŋgu/, Bahnar /ŋâl/Chin 樁 zhuāng and M 根 gēn < MC kæn < OC *kjə:n *The author is unsure which C etymon matches Viet. /gốc/ if that word was intended by Luce.
trời 'sky'No Mon forms, Danaw /tăʔɑ:ŋ4/, Riang White and Blak /pléŋ-/, Palung /pléŋ2/, Wa /pak4pyaŋ2/ (above), Old Khmer /phliəŋ/ (=rain), Bahnar /pleñ/, Lemet /mpliñ/, T'eng /ləʿwaŋ/, K'mu /hravaŋ/, Kasi /bneng/Chin. 天 tiān (SV thiên) | M 天 tiān < MC thien < OC *thi:n | FQ 他前 | Note: 前 Hainanese /tai2/; for V 'trời', old Vietmuong /blời/. | See etymology in the following sections. **While the MK /pl-/ initial suggests something like /tr-/, the C and V forms could also be cognate which differentiates from 日 rì. See below.
đất 'earth' Viet. /đất/, Old Mon /ti/, mod. /kăté1/, Riang White /kɤtéʔ-/, Black /kətéʔ-/, Palaung /kăɗɑ'i2/, /kă ɗɔ'i2/, Wa /dɛ`3/, Old Khmer /ti/, Sakai /téh/, Semang /tok/, Nicobarese /mattrai/ (land), Biat /nēh/, Srê /tiăh/, Bahnar /tɛ`h/, P'u-man /tʿui/, T'eng /pětéh/, /pětéʔ/, K'mu /até/, Khasi /pyrthei/ (world), Mundari /otē/, Kurku /watē/Chin. 土 tǔ (SV thổ) VS đất 'soil', 地 dì (SV địa) 'land' | M 土 tǔ (SV thổ, độ, đỗ) < MC dwo < OC *daʔ (Li Fang-Kuei : OC *dagx ) | FQ 他魯 | MC reading 遇合一上姥透 ****It is interesting that almost all the listed forms are cognate to each other, including both C forms.
trời, ngày 'sun', 'day' Viet. /ngày/, Old Mon /tŋey/, mod. /tŋai/, Danaw /tsʿɪ1/, Riang White /sʿɤŋyiʔ\ /, /sʿəniʔ-/, Palaung /săŋɑ'i2/, /săŋéi2/, Wa /ʃɪ4ŋɑiʔ3/, Old Khmer /tŋaɪ/, Sakai /těŋŋɪ/, Malay /hari/, Nicobarese /heŋ/, Shom Peng /hok-ŋīa/, Srê /ŋái/, /təŋăi/, P'man /nyi/, T'eng /səŋi/, K'mu /simyi/, Khasi /sngi/, War /juŋai/, Mudari /siŋgi/, /siŋ/, Gadaba /sĩi/Chin. 日 rì (SV nhật) VS ngày (day), giời, trời (sun) | M 日 rì < MC rit < OC *ɲit | According to Starostin : MC ɲit < OC *nit, Min forms: Xiamen tɕit8, lit8, Chaozhou zik8, Fuzhou nik8, Jianou ni8. | @ 日 rì ~ ngày / giời > trời | giời and M 'rì' have their corresponding initials gi- and r- as well as y-, close to nh-, j-, jh- and ng- in SV nhật, Cant. /jat/ and /jit/. ****All MK forms are cognate to V variants, but the intrigue thing is the C form does not appear much different from others.
trăng 'moon' Old Mon /kintu/, /garu/, /kăto1/, Riang White and Black /kiɛ`-/, Palaung /păkiɔr2/, Wa /kʿiʔ1/, Old Khmer /khe/, Nicobarese /kâhē/, Bahnar /kʿey/, Lemet /kʿé/, Mundari /ku:r/ (month), Gadaba /arkē/Chin. 月 yuè (SV nguyệt) VS trăng, giăng ~ tháng (month) | M 月 yuè < MC jwjat < AC *jwot | MC reading 山合三入月疑 | See etymology in the next chapter. ***While the V 'ngày, giời' appear to be cognate to other forms in the MK languages, the V 'giăng, trăng, tháng' completely diverge from the same languages with the interchange /j-/ ~ /k-/, cf. 聽 tìng (SV thính) ~ VS 'nghe' (hear) ~ Hai./ke1/. At the same time, the Chin. 月 yuè, that fits to the same pattern as that of 日 rì for V 'ngày' and 'giời', seems to fill in the symetric word for V 'giăng' ~ 'trăng' ~ 'tháng' (month).
sao 'star' No Old Mon, mod. /snaŋ/, Danaw /kălɑn2/, Riang White /sʿɤkmɤiñ\ /, /sʿəkməiñ\ /, Palaung /ʃi4múiñ2/, Bahnar /səŋlɔŋ/, Srê /səmañ/, T'eng /səlmiñ/, Lemet /sremeñ/, Khasi /khlur, War /shlashmen/Chin. 星 xīng (SV tinh) | M 星 xīng < MC sieŋ < OC *she:ŋ < se:ŋ | See etymology in the next chapter. *****The appearance of both the V /sao/ and C /xīng/ is the closest sound as compared to other forms.
năm 'year' Viet. /năm/, Old Mon and mod /cnām/, Danaw /nan2/, Riang White and Black /vwi:t\ /, Palaung /snam2/, Wa /num2/, Old Khmer /cnam/, Srê /sənam/, /nam/, Bahnar /hānam/, T'eng /num/, Khasi /snem/, Mundari /sirma/Chin. 年 nián (SV niên) | M 年 nián < MC nian < OC *ɲiɛn *****V 'năm' is an absolute cognate with the Chin 年 /nián/. This is a plausible case that those MK languages with the concept of the 'year' that is cognate to V 'năm' was probably a V loanword.
mưa 'rain' Viet. /mưa/, Old Mon /brey/, /gūr/, mod. /brai/, /gū/, Danaw /kălé1/, Riang White /tjuŋ\ /, /klɛ-/, Black /tsuŋ\ /, /klɛ-/, Palaung /klɑ'i2/, /klɔ'i2/, Wa /lɛ`ʔ3préiʔ1/, Sakai /maniʾ/, Semang /mī/, Nicobarese /amīh/, Srê /miu/, Bahnar, Stieng /mi/, T'eng /kəma/, /yur/ (v.) Chin. 雨 yǔ (SV vũ) | M 雨 yǔ < MC hʊ < OC *haʔ | FQ 王矩 | ¶ y- ~ m- | § 雲 yún (SV vân) mây, 舞 wǔ (vũ) múa, 無 wú (vô) mô | See etymology in the next chapter. ***Even though most of them are cognate to V /mưa/, the Chin. form 雨 yǔ is still a strong case for its plausible pattern of sound changes /y-/ ~ /m-/.
cầuvồng 'rainbow' No Old Mon, mod. /kʿamaŋ suŋ ɗāk/ (crossbeam drinks water), Danaw /pāyɔŋ2/, Riang White /tɑi-pɤr\ñuɑŋ\ /, Black /tɑi-pər\ñuɔŋ\ /, Palaung /plɑŋ3(kădu2)/, Wa /ʃi4yɔŋ2/, T'eng /dur-prʿyoŋ/ (rainbow dragon), Khasi /simpyllieng/M 彩虹 căihóng (SV tháihồng), Also: VS 'mốngchuồng' | M 虹 hóng < MC ɣuŋ < OC *gōŋ, *ghoŋs, *krōŋs ***While V 'mốngchuồng' may not be the cognate but 'cầuvồng' could be with 彩虹 căihóng. Other forms in MK are not.
gió 'wind' Old Mon /kyāl/, mod. /kyā/, Danaw /kɔŋ4/, Riang White and Black /kur-/, Palaung /kʾu2/, Wa /m bɑ'ɯŋ2/, Old Khmer /khsal/, Biat /chial/, Srê /cal/, Bahnar /khnal/, Kʿmu /khur/ (storm), Mundari /hoẽo/, /hur-hur/Chin. (SV phong) ~ Also: VS giông 'windstorm' | M 風 fēng < MC pjung < OC *pjɔm, *prɔm < PC **pryŋʷ, **prym ****Otherwise proved, the V 'gió' and Chin. should be postulated as cognate.
nước 'water' Viet. /nước/, Old Mon /dāk/, /dek/, mod. /ɗāk/, Danaw /u:n4/, Riang White and Black /om-/, Palaung /om2/, /Um2/, /ɤm2/, /ɛm2/, Wa /rɔm2/, Old Khmer /dik/, Sakai /dak/, Nicobarese /dāk/, Biat /ɗak/, Srê /daʔ/, Bahar /ɗak/, Mundari /dāk/, Savara /dā/, /dāŋ/, Gadaba /dẫ/, Kurku /dā/, T'eng /ʔom/, Lemet /hon/, Khasi /om/Chin. 水 shuǐ 'water' (SV thuỷ) | M 水 shuǐ < MC ʂwi < OC *tujʔ | FQ 式軌 | MC reading 止合三上旨書 ***In light of most of etyma apearing in the form /dak/, the Chin. 水 shuǐ an V /nước/ are also likely cognates. See elaboration in the next section.
bọt 'foam' Viet. /bọt/, No Old Mon, mod. /tʿaɓuih/, Danaw /lɑk4pUət5(u:n4)/, Riang White and Black /bus-?, Palaung /buh2/, Wa /m bɑi2/, Khmer /babuh/, Semang /cheʾbug/, /baʾbug/, Makay /bueh/, Biat /mʾbūh/, Mundari /moto/Chin. 泡 pào (SV pháo) | M 泡 pào < MC phaw < OC *phra:ws, phru:s ****Beside those cognates in other languages, the C and V forms are lookalikes, too.)
lửa 'fire' Old Mon /pumat/, mod. /pumat/, /ñɔn4/, Riang White and Black /ŋal\ /, Palaung /ŋɑ'i2/, /ŋɔ2/, Wa /ŋu2/, Nicobarese /heōe/, Lemet /ŋal/ Mundari /seŋgel/, Gadaba /suōl/, Kurku /siŋgēl/Chin. 火 huǒ (SV hoả) | M 火 huǒ < MC xwʌ < OC *smjə:jʔ | See enumeration below. ***The C 火 huǒ and V /lửa/ look like the only cognates here if we cannot associate all other etyma with V /ngọn/, meaning 'tongue (of the flames)'.
bóng 'shadow of living crature' Old Mon /sumdiŋ/, mod. /samniŋ/, Danaw /tɔŋ2bui4/, Riang White and Black /poé-/, Palaung /rUm3/ (=shade), Wa /(kɔn)pɤi2/, Old Khmer /sramol/, Mundari /umbul/Chin. 影 yǐng (SV ảnh) | M 影 yǐng < MC ʔɑiŋ < OC *ʔraŋʔ | cf. 照影 zhàoyǐng 'soibóng' (cast a shadow), 郵 yóu 'bưu' (postal), 由 yóu 'bởi' (by), 柚 yóu 'bưởi' (pomelo), 游 yóu 'bơi' (swim), 案 àn 'bàn' (table), 按 àn 'bấm' (press), etc.**The C form is plausibly cognate to the V 'bóng' along side of some other AA forms.)
lỗ 'hole', 'aperture' Old Mon /srūŋ/, mod. /sruiŋ/, Danaw /kătu1/, /tu1/, Riang White /lu\ /, Black /lu\ /, /tuʔ-/, Palaung /kăɗéu2/, Wa /n dɑɯʔ3/, T'eng /həntu/Chin. 窿 lóng (SV lung) | QT 窿 lóng < MC lwəŋ < OC *lwəŋ **Is the C form /lóng/ is plausibly cognate to the V 'lỗ' along side of some other AA forms or could it be a 瀆 dóu?.)
đá 'stone' Old Mon /tmoʾ/. mod. /tmaʾ/, Riang White /sʿɤmoʔ\ /, Back /rə ʔaŋ-/, Palaung /mɑ'2/, Wa /ʃi4mɑʔ3/, Old Khmer /tmo/, Sakai /těmuh/, Malay /batu/, N Nicobarese /patu/, Stieng /tömau/, Bahnar /təmo/, P'u-man /muŋ/, etc.Chin. 石 shí (SV thạch), also, VS 'tạ' (measure unit equal to 100 kilograms) | M 石 shí, dàn < MC tsjak < OC *djak | According to Starostin: Min forms pointing to *ʒ́: Xiamen cioʔ8, Chaozhou cieʔ8, Fuzhou sioʔ8, Jianou ciɔ6. | Tibetan: rdo | According to Starostin: Min forms pointing to *ʒ́: Xiamen cioʔ8, Chaozhou cieʔ8, Fuzhou sioʔ8, Jianou ciɔ6. | See more etymology in ST connection chapter. ***The Chin form /shí/ agrees with the V 'đá' better than other forms in the MK languages if any. Most of the ST forms have the vocalic contour of /da/.
sấm 'thunderbolt, thunder' Viet. /sấm/, no Old Mon, mod. /dʿaguiw/, /gatah/, Danaw /...tɔŋ4man2/, Riang White /(tɤkɤr-)tɤr\nam\ /, Black /(təkər-)tər\nam\ /, /sər\nam\ /, Palaung / kănam3/, /sănam1/, Wa /mwè2/, /ʃǐnum2/, Khmer /phgar/, Malay /tagar/, T'eng /həŋkǔr/, Cham /grom/, Bahar /grom/Chin. 霆 tíng (SV đình) | M 霆 tíng, dìng, tǐng, xiāo < MC dieŋ < OC *ɬhe:ŋ | Pulleyblank: LM tɦajŋ < EM dɛjŋ | ¶ d- ~ s- *If all other MK forms can relate the V 'sấm' by way of the sound change pattern /d-(t-)/ ~> /s-/, then the C form with the sound xiāo is notable.
than 'charcoal' No Old Mon, mod. kʿyah/, Danaw /tɔk4tsUət3/, Riang White /kɤr\tji:s-/, Black /kər\cʿas/, etc.Chin. 炭 tàn (SV thán) | M 炭 tàn < MC thɒn < OC *tha:rs *****No other AA or MK forms are cognate with the V /than/ but only the C /tàn/.
sắt 'iron' Old Mon /birsey/, /pasai/, Danaw /mɛ`4θi1/, Riang White and Vlack /hir-/, Palaung /hlɛ`k1/, Wa /riɛm2/, Malay /běsi/, Sakai /běsi/, Păo Karen /pʿasi/, Old Khmer /hir/Chin. 鐵 tiě (SV thiết) | M 鐵 tiě < MC thiet < OC *thjɛt *****The V forms 'sắt' is cognate to the C 鐵 tiě for sure. If the forms /-si/ ~ /hir/ forms in other languages are variants of the C form then they must be loanwords.
bạc 'silver' Viet. /tiền/, Old Mon srañ, mod. /sran/, Danaw /rɤn2/, /hrɤn2/, Riang White /ron\ /, Black /ron\ /,/rUn\ /, Palaung /rɤŋ2/, Wa /mɑɯ2/, T'eng /srǐl/, (gold, silver), Kʿmu /srǐl/, /sěrin/ (gold), Darang /rǒn/, Katurr /ron/Chin. 白銀 báiyín (SV bạchngân), 錢 qián (SV tiền) | Viet. 'bạc' could be from 鉑 bó or an contraction of M 白銀 báiyín | M 白 bái, bó, bà, băi, zì < MC bɐk < OC *brak || M 錢 qián < MC tsjen < OC *ʑan ***Luce listed all these lexicons as basic words, but, of course, all V forms are derived from the C forms and if 'gold' is included the V form is 'vàng', a contracted derivation of 黃金 huángjīn, which could be VS /vàng/ 鋆 yún SV quân 'gold', whereas V 'bạc' could be a parallel contracted of 白金 báijīn or 鉑 bó.
đồngbạc 'ruppe, tical' Old Mon /dinkel/, /dakew/, Danaw /(rɤn2)ăplɑʔ2/, Riang White /piɑ-/, Black /(ron)pyɑ-/, Palaung /byɑ2/, Wa /plɑh5/, T'eng /nia/ (money)Chin. 銅板 tóngbăn (SV đồngbản) ~ VS đồngbạc (VN monetary unit 'piaster') | See the etymology of 'bạc' from 白 bái (SV 'bạch') above ***Of course, only the V and C forms are cognate and have nothing to do with those in other languages.
giá 'price' Old Mon /ŋūs/, mod. /ŋuh/, Danaw /ŋɔt4/, Riang White and Black /laŋ-/, etc.Chin. 價 jià (SV giá) | M 價 jià < MC ka < OC *krajʔs *****Of course the V and C forms are the same having nothing to do with any other languages.
nửakhuya 'midnight' Old Mon /sgāl tney/, mod. /sagā iai/, Danaw /chen4tsən4/, Riang White /kʿi:n-sʿɔm-/, Black /tən\kʿi:n-sʿɔm-/, Palaung /kădéi2hmɤ3/, /hmɤ3kădɑ'i2/, Wa /grəŋ4sɔm2/, Nicobarese /haròm/ (night), T'eng /pəsuòm/ (night) Chin. 午夜 wǔyè (SV ngọdạ), 半夜 bànyè (SV bándạ), 深夜 shēnyè (SV thâmdạ) *I cannot relate the V form to any of all ther forms, including those of the C language.
muối 'salt' Viet. /muối/, no old Mon, mod. /ɓuiw/, Danaw /tsʿɑ4/, Riang White and Black /sʿuɑk-/, Palaung /sɛ`1/, Wa /ki:h5/, Old Burmese /cʿɑ/ (salt), /jawak cʿɑ/ (sal ammoniac), Semang /siak/, Selung /selak, Lemet /siak/, Old Khmer /ampel/, Sakai /mʾpoit/, Semang /empoyd/, Stieng /bǒh/, Srê /boh/, Bahnar /bɔh/, Lemet /pelu/, Khasi /mlun/, Mundari /buluŋ/Chin. 鹽 yán (SV diêm) | M 鹽 yán < MC jem < OC *am **Most of the forms in other language are cognate to the V 'muối' while the C form is only a matter of speculation, which is handy for relating to another form /mắm/ 'fish sauce').
thôn 'village' Viet. /tỉnh/, Old Mon /twañ/, mod. /kwān/, Danaw /tăbo4/, Riang White and Black /pruʔ\ /, Palaung /re:u2/, Wa /yɑ'uŋ2/, Old Khmer /sruk/, T'eng /kūŋ/Chin. 村 cūn (SV thôn) Also VS 'xóm' | M 村 cūn < MC tʂon < OC *ʂu:n ***Apparently the V form 'tỉnh' given by Luce is a try to match it with the Old Mon /twañ/, a cognate of /tăbo4/ (?); however, 'tỉnh' is a SV sound of the C 省 shěng which means 'province'. It is probably that was owing to an error of Luce's recorders through his informants whom he heavily had relid on in most of the cases.
nhà 'house' Viet. /nhà/, Old Mon /sŋiʾ/, mod. /sŋi/, Danaw /ña1/, Riang White and Black /kɑŋ\ /, Palaung /gɑŋ2/, Wa /ñéʔ3/, Semang /yi/, /eh/, /hēyaʾ/, Nicobarese /ñī/, Stieng, Alak, Kaseng /ñi/, Biat /ñīh/, Mnong Gar /hīh/, Bahnar /hñẽ/, /hnam/, Lemet /ña/ Khasi /ing/, War /sni/, Juang /iya/, Savana /siŋ/, T'eng /gaŋ/Chin. 家 jiā (SV gia) | M 家 jiā < MC ka < OC *kra: ***Except for form such as Riang White and Black /kɑŋ\ /, Palaung /gɑŋ2/, this is an interesting case that all etyma in all languages look like being churned out from the same blender.
sạn 'rest house'Old Mon and mod. /jrap/, Danaw /kărɔt2/, Riang White /sʿrɔp\ /, Black /tsərɔp\ /, Palaung /tjarɔp1/, Wa /brɔk3/, Sakai /cherup/ (crosspieces), karob / (bamboo bed), T'eng /jěrap (bed), Old Burmese /carap/, Pa8o Karen /tjărɔp/Chin. 棧 zhàn, chán (sạn, trăn, chăn, xiễn) < MC ʒan < OC *ʒhranʔ, *ʒhrans | Starostin: carriage box made of lath or bamboo. Also read *ʒ́(h)rān-s, MC ʒ̣ạ̀nid. (MC also has an irregular variant ʒ̣ạ̈́n). A somewhat later meaning is 'flooring (on a mountain pass)', whence probably Viet. sàn 'floor, flooring'. Standard Sino-Viet. is sạn. | ex. 客棧 kèzhàn (SV kháchsạn) 'inn, tarvern' *The author is not quite sure what all these actually refer to, probably a 'guest-house', 'tarvern', 'inn' or something similar which is in agreement with the C 棧 zhàn. All the phonetic appearance and words with the meaning 'bed' make me relate to the V 'sạp', a 'sale stall', which loosely resembles a wooden or bamboo short-legged stall where people can sit or lie down to rest.
cột (?), trụ (?) 'house post' Old Mon /jiñjuŋ/, mod. /dayuŋ/, Danaw /kʿăraŋ2/, Riang White /kɤn\raŋ\ /, Black /kən\raŋ\ /Chin. 棟 dòng (?) 'đà', 柱 zhú (?) 'cột' ~ 'trụ' *The author is not sure what all these limited list of etyma are related to V.
chày 'pestle' No Old Mon, mod. /ri/, Danaw /tsʿɔŋ1réʔ3/, Riang White /tɤn\rɛ'ʔ-/, Black /rɛ'ʔ-/, Palaung /ŋ2gɑ'i2/, /ŋ2géi2/, Wa /ŋrgriʔ3/, Khmer /aŋrai/, Sakai /rentik/, Biat /rʾnai/, Mnong Gar /rnɛ'/, Bahnar /adrih/, /adrey/, T'eng /kəndré/, /cəndré/, /ndre/, Khasi synrei/Chin. 杵 chǔ (xử) | M 杵 chǔ < MC tʂo < OC *thaʔ | ¶ ch- ~ d-(j-) **The V 'chày' and the C 杵 hǔ make a much more close a cognate than the rest.
cối 'mortar' (for riceNo Old Mon, mod. /ɓuik/, Danaw /tɑŋ2pôn4/, Riang White and Black /pal-/, Palaung /bar2/, Wa /po2/, Old Khmer /thpal, Biat /mʾpal/, Srê /mpal/, Bahnar /təpăl/ Chin. 臼 jìu (SV cữu) | M 臼 jìu < MC gʌw < OC *guʔ ****While all other MK forms do not look like having to do with the V /cối/, the Chin /jìu/ definitely is.
nồi 'pot' Old Mon /klas (< Sanskrit), /tumbāy/, /timbāy/, mod. /tʿamāai/, Danaw /lɑ1/, Riang White and Black /kloʔ-/, Palaung /kaloʔ1/, Wa /ɔ2/ (=cooking pot), Sanskrit /kalasa/, Biat /glăh/, Khasi /khew/Chin. 豆 dòu (SV đậu) | modern M 豆 dòu = Viet. (hạt)đậu 'peas' | Viet. 'chậu, thau, nồi, nấu' ~ © M 豆 dòu < MC dow < OC *dho:s | FQ 田候 | MC reading 流開一去候定 | According to Starostin: a dou vessel. A round vessel of clay or wood for serving solid food. Since Late Zhou the character is used for a homonymous word *d(h)o:s 'bean(s)'. ***The V /nồi/ is cognate to the Chin. form 豆 dòu as conveyed with the old meaning of this original basic ideograpgh.
mui 'ladle' (woodenNo Old Mon, mod. /yăk/, Danaw /lah2/, Riang White and Black /lɑk-/, Palaung /lɑʔ1/, Wa /lɔk4duh5/, Old Khmer /hvek/Chin. 舀 yáo (SV), also, VS muỗng, môi | M 舀 yăo < MC jiaw < OC *jiaw | y- ~ m- ***It is interesting to see that the modern Mon form reflects /yăk/ to match closely with the Chin. /yáo/.
gáo (?), gàu (?) 'coconut water-dipper' No Old Mon, mod. /gnā/, Danaw /...bui4/, Riang White and Black /boé-/, Palaung /bwé3/, /mwé2/, Wa /bUk3/Chin. (?) M 槔 gāo < MC kʌw < OC *ku: **The author is not sure what etymon to relate them to those in both V and C.
chỗi 'broom' (to sweep) No Old Mon, mod. /tamah/, /twah/, Danaw /tɔn2pʿyé4/, /tăpʿyé4/, Riang White /tɤn\pi:s-/, /pi:s/, Black /tən\pi:s-/, /pi:s/, Palaung /kăɓih3/, /ɓih3/, /ɓiχ3/, Wa /bi:h5/, Khmer /ampos/, /os/, Sakai /sapu/, Besisi /tampoys/, Malay /sapu/, Mundari /jonoʔ/, /joʔ/, etc.Chin. 帚 zhǒu (SV trửu, chửu) | M 帚 zhǒu < MC tʂǝw < OC *tuʔ | FQ 之九 ***Except for the Danaw form that sound like V 'tạpdề' (mop?, apron?) and the Mundari forms with /jonoʔ/, /joʔ/ ('chỗi' ?), all other forms do not seem to relate to V. 'chỗi' and the C 帚 zhǒu.
túi 'shoulder-bag' No Old Mon, mod. /tʿuŋ/, Danaw /tăchi4/, Riang White /sʿɤki-/, Black /sʿəki-/Chin. 袋 dài (SV đại) | M 袋 dài < MC dɤj < OC *ɫhjə:ks *****Another C doublet 兜 dǒu coulb be accounted for the V etymon of /túi/. However, the limited list Luce cited for this item makes it hard to relate to a specific V etymon.
mác 'sword', 'long dah' Old Mon /snāk/, /snek/, mod. /mra/, Danaw /vwiɛ`k4/, /nɛ`k3/ (knife), Riang White and Black /vwɑk\ /, Palaung /bUt1/ (=dah), Wa /vwɑie5/, Old Khmer /pranāk/, Old Burmese /sanlyak/, S. Karen /naʔ/, Khasi /wait (=dah), /waitlam/ (sword)Chin. 矛 máo (SV mâu) | M 矛 máo < MC mǝw < OC *mu ****Except for the Mon and Danaw lexemes, the labial vocalism of most of these forms can only point to the V /m-/ for 'mác' (spear), which could be speculative.
liềm 'sickle' No Old Mon form, mod. /not/, Danaw /tɔŋ2tsén4/, Riang White /tɤn\tjan\ /kə\tsan\ /, Wa /ʃívwɔk3/Chin. 鐮 lián (SV liêm) | M 鐮 (鎌) lián < MC lem < OC *rem *****If this word is actually meant 'sickle' then only the V and Chin. words are etymologicially related or cognates, to be exact.)
kim 'needle' Old Mon /tinliñ/, /tinleñ/, mod. /taniŋ/, Danaw /tăkaʔ3/, Riang White /pɤl\ŋyéʔ/, /pən\lɑic\ /, Palaung /rɤ2/, Wa /rɤ/, Sakai /tenlait/, /penlaig/ (blowpipe dart), Biat /ŋʾlai/, T'eng /səkăm/Chin. 箴 zhēn (SV châm) ~ 針 zhēn (SV châm) VS 'kim' (needle), 箭 jiàn (SV tiễn) VS 'tên' (arrow) | M 針 (鍼, 箴) zhēn < MC tʂim < OC *kim | FQ 職深 || M 箭 jiàn < MC 箭 tɕjɜn < OC *ɕens | FQ 子賤 ****The vocalic /t-/ in some form points to V /tên/ while only the T'eng /səkăm/ is similar to the V /kim/. In both cases the V etyma are derived from those of C.
giáo 'spear' Old Mon /bnas/, mod. /bnuh/, Danaw /plyɛ`h2/, Riang White and Black /plɛs\ /, Palaung /liəh3/, /lɛ`ɑu3/, Wa /pliah5/, Old Khmer /noc (ʔ)/, Sakai /bulus/, Selung /bulɔ/, Javanese /bulus/ T'eng /blya/, K'mu /plek/Chin. 槊 shuò (SV sóc, sáo) | M 槊 shuò < MC ʂwawk < OC *ʂaɨwk | ¶ sh- ~ gi- ***In V there is the word 'giáo' that points to Chin. 槊 shuō and it seems that there is other word that sounds like any of other languages.
nỏ 'bow', 'crossbowOld Mon and mod. /tŋa/, Danaw /ɑk4/, Riang White and Black /ɑk-/, Palaung /kɑŋ3/, /kɑŋ3ɑʔ4/ (=catapult), Wa /ɑʔ1/ (=crossbow), Sakai /āg/, Stieng /ak/, Srê /a3/, Lemet /ak/, Mundari /aʔ/Chin. 弩 nú (SV nỗ), also, VS ná | M 弩 nǔ < noɔ < OC *nhāʔ | According to Starostin: Viet. ná is an archaic loanword; a somewhat later loan from the same source is Viet. nỏ id.; standard Sino-Viet. is nỗ̃. In Chinese the word is witnessed since Late Zhou (Zhouli), but already in Shujing we meet a word 砮 *n(h)āʔ, *n(h)ā, MC nó, no, Mand. nǔ, Viet. nỗ 'flint arrowhead' -- which may be historically the same word. For *nh- cf. Xiamen lɔ6, Jianou noŋ8. *****It has long been reckoned that the V /nỏ/ 'catapult' is derived from the Chin 弩 nú which in turn originated from the MK languages. In the meanwhile the V /ná/ 'slingshot' is a direct cognate to them. In any cases they are all cognate to each other despite of the fact the initial /N-/ dropped from the /-aK/ forms and the Palaung forms /kɑŋ3/ and /kɑŋ3ɑʔ4/ alternately are cognate to 弓 gōng, SV cung, which mean 'bow'.
cày 'hoe, spade-blade' Old Mon /kwir/ (n.), /jik/ (v.), mod. /kʿɑɓɑk/, Danaw /kɔplɑ1/, Riang White and Black /plɑ-/, Palaung /plɑ3/, Wa /kɔk4pyɑk1/ (=hoe-Blade)Chin. 耟 jù (SV cự) | M 耟 jù < MC go < OC *ghaʔ ****It looks like the V forms /cày/ is much more cognate to the Chin. 耟 jù than to other forms in the MK languages.
xuồng 'boat' Old Mon /dluŋ/, mod. /gluŋ/, Danaw /tɔŋ2lui4/, Riang White /tjɤn\luaŋ\ /, Black /tsən\luaŋ\ /, Palaung /rɤ2/, Wa /rɤ2/,Srê, M'nong Gar /plǔŋ/, T'eng /cəlɔŋ/, Khasi /lieng/Chin. 船 chuán (SV thuyền) | M 船 chuán < MC ʑwen < OC *lon ****Except for the /rɤ2/ form, it is interesting to see that the V form 'ồ' corresponds to the /-l-/ forms, via /l- ~ s-/ sound changes, in other MK language which are plausibly cognate to that the C form 船 /chuán/ or 艟 /chōng/ SV /sung/ 'small canoe'.
trọc 'bald' No Old Mon, mod. /kʿɑlat/, Danaw /klak3,1/, Riang White /klak-/, Black klɑk-/Chin. 禿 tū (SV thốc) ~> VS 'lóc' (?) | M 禿 (秃) tū < MC thuk < OC *slho:k ****There is no doubt that V 'trọc' and C 禿 tū are cognate, but it is interesting to see the the other MK forms that show the pattern /kl-/ which usually appears in V as /tr-/. It is plausibly to posit 'lóc' as in redulplicative word 'trọclóc' in V.
đắng 'bitter' Viet. /đắng/, no Old Mon, mod. /kɑtɑŋ/, Danaw /tsɑŋ4/, Riang White /tjiaŋʔ-/, Black /tsaŋ-/, Palaung /saŋ2/, Wa /soŋ2/, Khmer /hāŋ/, Sakai /kědetn/, Besisi /kědeg/, Nicobarese /tēak/, Srê /rəhiaŋ/, /bətaŋ/ Stieng, Bahnar /tāŋ/, Khasi /kthang/Chin. 辛(苦) qīn(kǔ) SV tân(khổ)) VS đắng(cay) | M 辛 xīn < MC sjin < OC *sin | According to Starostin: the 8th of the Heavenly Stems. Used also for a homonymous *sin 'be bitter, pungent, painful'. ***The V for is clearly cognate to those of MK forms, but what appears in C is notable. Unless we reinstate an illogical logics that if the V form shares the AA ethymolgy with its languages then the C form is not cognate to that of V.
lãng 'deaf' No Old Mon, mod. /sɗuiŋ/, Danaw /klət3,1/, Riang White /lu:t-/, Black /lut-/, Palaung /lUt1/, Wa /lət3/, T'eng /səlut/, Khasi /kyllut/Chin. 聾 lóng (SV lung) | M 聾 lóng < MC luŋ < OC *rho:ŋ | MC reading 通合一平東來 | ex. 耳聾 ěrlóng 'lãngtai' (hearing-impaired) ****All the forms with the voclism /l-/ appear loosely cognate to the V form 'lãng' derived from the Chin. 聾 lóng except for the mod. Mon as /sɗuiŋ/ which somewhat resembles V. 'điếc'.
sâu 'deep' Viet. /sâu/, Old Mon /jrūh/, mod. /sjuih/, Danaw /kărúi2/, Riang White /tjɤruʔ\ /, Black /tsəruʔ\ /, Palaung /lɯk1/, Wa /rɯʔ2/, Old Khmer /jrau/, /jamrau/, Sakai /jěru/, Javarese /jěro/, Stieng /jorǔh/, Srê /juruh/, Bahnar /jěruʔ/, T'eng /jru/, Khasi /jylliew/Chin. 深 shēn (SV thâm) | M 深 shēn < MC ʂim < OC *ɫhjəm ****With the resemblance of the mod. Mon /sjuih/ with V /sâu/, it is interesting to see all variants given they are from the same source except for the fact that V 'sâu' is cognate to the C 深 shēn.
á 'dumb' No Old Mon, mod. /klau/, /lhau/, Danaw /ă4ʔa1/, Riang White /ɑʔ-/, Black /aʔ-/, Palaung /ré:u2/, /rɑ`ì/, Wa /n dɑuʔ3/, Old Burmese /a/, Srê /kloat/Chin. 啞 è, yă, yā (SV ách, á, nha), also, VS 'câm' | M 啞 è, yă, yā < MC ʔɑik < OC *ʔrāk | ¶ *ʔr- ~ k- | According toStarostin: Also read (irregularly) MC ʔạik (FQ 於革) id.; during Late Zhou used for *ʔrāʔ, MC ʔạ́ (FQ 烏下), Pek. yǎ, Go e, Kan a 'mute' and *ʔrā(k)-s (MC ʔạ̀, FQ 衣嫁, Pek. yà) 'sigh (interjection)' ****The V /á/ form is in line with some of the MK languages and certainly cognate to the C 啞 yă which could not be excluded from the pool of etymologies just simply because the V form closely matches those of the AA languages. 'Câm' is posited here, only speculative due to its vocalism but that world could also be derived from Viet. 'câm 喑 yīn SV /âm/ 'dumb/ or câm 噤 jìn SV cấm/ 'mute'.
sớm 'early' Old Mon /pras/ (=early), mod /prah/, Danaw /tsɑo2/, Riang White /tjɑu\ /, Black /tsɑ\ /, Palaung /sɑ'u2/, Wa /tjɑ'u2/, Archaic Chinese /*tsôg/, Burmese /co/, Shan /caw/Chin. 早 zăo (SV tảo) | M 早 zăo < MC tsaw < OC *tsaw | According to Starostin: MC cʌw < OC *cūʔ < PST *cǝ̄w, cf. Burm. ćawh 'early', Kach. ǯau33 id. (see IST 54). ****It looks like all these forms are cross linguistic family etyma. In reality, in Chin. there are many words for 'early' in Chin. The question is how come this basic concept is cognate to that of Archaic Chin. for those MK languages. See hypothesis that follows this list.
xa 'far' Old Mon /jirŋey/, mod. /sŋai/, Danaw /sʿɔŋ4ŋɑi4/, Riang White /sʿɤŋɑi\ /, /yɑn\ /, Palaung /sāŋɑ'i2/, /sāŋɔi2/, Wa /ʃi4ŋɑi2/, Khmer /cʿŋāy, Sakai /nyaʾ/, Semang /měnjiʾ/, Nicobarese /ho-i/, Srê, Biat, Stieng / ŋai/, Bahnar /jəŋəi/, /ʃəŋai/, P'uman /ŋai/, T'eng /yaʔ/, /gyaʔ/, Lemet /sŋay/, Khasi /jngai/, War / ʃŋūi/, Mundari /sāŋīn/, Savara /saŋayi/, Gadaba /sāŋayi/, Kurku /sāŋgin/Chin. 遐 xiá (SV hà) | M 遐 xiá < MC ɠa < OC *ghra: | Pt 胡加 | Kangxi: 【唐韻】胡加切【集韻】【韻會】【正韻】何加切,𠀤音霞。【說文】遠也。****The V form 'xa' looks like cognate with those MK words that start with the phoneme /S-/ but their finals can only be related to something like /xaxôi/ 'faraway'. The C form /xiá/ is cognate sureness to the V form 'xa'.
đầy 'full' Old Mon /dak/, /piñ/, mod. /peŋ/, Danaw /biɑk3/, Riang White /nɤk\ /, Black /nək\ /, Palaung /nUk1,3/, Wa /nɑuk3/, /nUk1/, Khmer /beñ/, Sakai /těbik/,Chin. 沓 dá (SV 'đạp) | M 沓 dá, dà, tà < MC dʌp < OC *lhjə:p **The C /dá/ form is related etymologically to the V /đầy/ and only the Old Mon /dak/ appears cognate if those words with the pattern /n- ~ d-/ is discounted.
nặng ‘heavy’Old Mon /sjiŋ/, mod. /sjuiŋ/, Danaw /kătsan2/, Riang White /kɤtjɛ`\ /, Black Riang White /kətjɛ`\ /, Palaung /tjian2/, Wa /ji:n2/, Old Khmer /jyeŋ/ (=weigh), T’eng /kətăm/, /tăm/Chin. 重 zhòng (SV trọng) ****There is no doubt that the C form /zhòng/ is cognate to the V /nặng/, so except for the Riang forms, all other MK forms are cognates also. How they are related to each other is another question. Could they be loanwords borrowed via the V medium?
lâu ‘long’ (of time) Old Mon /loʾ/, mod. /lɑʾ/, Danaw /kʿămɛ` ʔ4/, Riang White /tjɤn\nɔʔ\ /, Black /tsən\nɔʔ\ Chin. 久 jǐu (SV cửu) | M 久 jǐu < MC kjəw < OC *kwjəʔ | FQ 舉有 | Cant. /gau2/, coloquial /loj2/ or /nɔj2/ ***While there is absence of other lexicons in the MK languages, the Mon forms represent what appears to be cognate to the V form /lâu/, including that of the Cant. form as /nɔj2/ which can be related to the C form as /jǐu/ in M.
mới ‘new’Viet. /mới/, Old Mon /tumi/, mod. /tami/, Danaw /kʿɛ`ʔ4/, Riang White /tɤn\méʔ\ /, Black /tən\méʔ\, Palaung /kămɑ’i2/, Wa /kʿrɑuʔ1/, Old Khmer /tmī/, Sakai /bei, /pâi/, Besisi /ʾmpai/, Biat /mʾhe/, Srê /tərɛ/, M’nong, Gar /mhei/, P’u-man /u-hmui/, T’eng /hmé/, Khasi /thymmai/(1) Chin. 萌 (氓) méng (SV manh) | M 萌 (氓) méng < MC maijŋ < OC *mhreŋ (2) | Viet. 'mới' < Proto-Austro-Asiatic: pɤj,, Proto-Vietic: *bʔǝ:jʔ, Proto-Aslian: *pa:j, Proto-Vietmuong: *bʔǝ:jʔ, Tum: bǝɨj.212 || Chin. 新 xīn (SV tân) | M 新 xīn < MC sjin < OC *sin | FQ 息鄰 | cf. ‘mớitinh’ ~ ‘mớitoanh’ @&# V ‘mới’ + 'toanh 新 xīn (SV tân)’ ~ 新鮮 xīnxiān (SV tântiên) VS ‘tươimới’ **It is undeniable that the V form ‘mới’ is cognate to those of other MK languages. However, 萌 (氓) méng (SV manh) could give rise to 'mới' and we still cannot rule out once and for all the possibility of the C 新 /xīn/ form that has given rise to some other V forms as the compound words cited above. In addition there is a V word ‘cũ’ which a confirmed cognate with the C 舊 jìu (SV cựu) or ‘old’ served as a parallel to the opposite concept ‘mới’ (new).
tê ’numb’, ‘pins and needles’ No Mon form, Danaw /kăñi:n4/, Riang White /kɤm\ri:m\ /, Black /kəm\ri:m\ /, Mundari /ruiam/Chin. 痺 bì (SV tì)| VS 'tê' | M 痺 (痹) bì < MC pji < OC *pits ***Except for those of the V and C, other forms listed by Luce are limited and show no cognates.)
già ‘old’ (of person) Old Mon /pjuʾ/, mod. /byu/, Danaw /tʿɑo2/, Riang White /tʿɑu\ /, /tjaʔ-/, Black /tʿau-/, /tsɑ ʔ-/, Palaung /gat1/, Old Khmer /pju/, /pjuh/Chin. 耆 qí (SV kỳ, chỉ) || M 耆 (嗜) qí < MC gi < OC *grij M 老 lăo < MC ljəw < OC *hu:ʔ | FQ 盧皓 | According to Starostin: Protoform *gri. Meaning: old. 耆 *grij old; 祁 *grij great, large. Tibetan: bgre (p. bgres) to grow old. Burmese: krih be old. Comments: Sh. 50; Luce 10.| ST old, aged. For *g- cf. Xiamen, Fuzhou ki2. ****The same problem as the previous item, in this list only the Riang Black /tjaʔ-/ suggest something close to the V ‘già’ while Danaw /tʿɑo2/ and Riang White /tʿɑu\ / remind us of the C form 老 /lăo/ SV ‘lão’.)
cũ ‘old’ (of things) Old Mon /tinrem/, mod. /tarem/, Danaw /ătəik3,1/, Riang White /tri:m-/, Black /trim-/, Palaung /ăprim2/, Wa /pă4pri:m2/, /Srê /rām/, Lemet /prim/, Khasi /rim/, /larim/.Chin. 舊 jìu (SV cựu) | M 舊 jìu < MC gjəw < OC *ghwjəs | According to Starostin: be old, ancient (not of people). Regular Sino-Viet. is cựu. Cf. also Viet. khú, khụ. 'very old'. The original meaning of the graph was probably 'owl', but this usage is actually attested only since Han. *****In contrast to V ‘mới’, the ‘cũ’ is certainly cognate to the Chin. 舊 jìu, which appears to have nothing connected with other MK forms.
đỏ ‘red’ Old Mon /birket/, /baket/, mod. /baket/, Danaw /tsôn4/, Riang White and Black /roŋ\ /, Palaung /rén2/, Wa /rɑu5/, Khasi /saw/Chin.彤 tóng (SV đồng) | M 彤 tóng < MC doŋ < OC *dhūŋ, *lhūŋ, *ɫhūŋ ***In Chin. there are several words for ‘red’, but /tóng/ is the most likely cognate to V /đỏ/. In the meanwhile, the Riang /roŋ\ / suggests something about V ‘hồng’ (pink) which is cognate to the Chin 紅 hóng, also meaning ‘red’.
chín ‘ripe, cooked’ Viet. /chín/ cin- Aorist prefix?, modern Mon. /ɗu/, /cin/, Danaw /ătsɛ`n4/, Riang White /sʿɪ:n/, Black /sʿɪn/, Palaung /si:n2/, Wa /ʃi:n2/ (=cooked); /tɤm2/ (=ripe), Khmer /cʿăʔin/, Sakai /chêtn/, Besisi /machin/, Semang /inchen/, Nicobarese /ishɪan/, Srê /sǐn/, Mnong Gar /sɯm/, Bahnar /ʃim/, T'eng /sin/, Mundari /isin/.Chin. 熟 shú (SV thuộc) ~ VS 'rục' (well cooked) | M 熟 shú, shóu (thục, thuộc) < MC tʂʊk < OC *dhuk **It is apparent that the V 'chín' is cognate to other MK forms while the C shows a parallel in the initial phoneme only, which may point to something else similar in the ST languages as in many cases such as 'rắn' (snake), 'lòng' (heart), 'năm' (numeral 5), etc. (See more in the ST connection chapter) since in V there is the antonym 'sống' (live, raw) which is affirmatively cognate to the C 生 shēng (SV sanh).
cạn ’shallow, low'Old Mon /sar/, mod. /kɗā/, Danaw /saw/, Riang White and Black /dɛ`l-/Chin. 淺 qián (SV thiển) | M 淺 qiăn, qiān, jiăn, jiàn, cán, zàn (thiển, thê, tiên) < MC tsjɜn < OC *tsjanʔ | FQ 七演 ****The only cognate forms that appear here are those of V and C etyma.
nhọn ’sharp-pointed'No Old Mon, mod. /ke/, Danaw /tɔŋ2pʿyak3,1/, Riang White /pait-/, paic-/, Palaung /pɑ‘i1/, Wa /pɔ’i3/ (to sharpen), T’eng /bat/ (to sharpen to a point), Khasi /beit/ (straight)Chin. 尖 jiān (SV kiên) | M 尖 jiān < MC tɕjen < OC *tɕen ***The Mon form suggests something that shows the sound change pattern /j-/ ~ /k-/ with the C form which is cognate to the V one. In the meanwhile the Riang and others somehow similar to the C 磨 which appears in V as /mai/.
trợt ’slippery'No Old Mon, mod. /talit/, Danaw /khit3/, Riang White /li:ɪ-/, Balck /lɪɛ`-/Chin. 滑 huá, gǔ (SV hoạt, cốt) | M 滑 huá, gǔ < MC ɣwat < OC *grwət < PC **grūt ***It is possible that the C and V forms are actually cognate with further investigation to be conducted in other ST forms.
chật ’tight, taut'Old Mon /tinteŋ/ (?), mod. /teŋ/, Danaw /kʿreŋ2/, Riang White /kʿre’ŋ\ /, Black /kre’ŋ\ /, Palaung /kʿyɛ3/, Wa / ʃi4ñɛ`3/, Khasi /pyrkhiŋ/, Shan /khiŋ/.Chin. 窄 zhăi (SV trách, trạch) | M 窄 zhăi, zé < MC tʂaik < OC *ɕra:k | FQ 側伯 ***** The V and C forms are obviously cognate while others dubious.
nầy ’this'Old Mon /awoʾ/, /woʾ/, mod. /naʾ/, Danaw /ni2/, Riang White and Black /ni\ /,Palaung /ări ŋ3/, Wa /ti;n2/, T’eng /gəni/, Khasi /kane/, Mundari /ne/, Shan /nai/, Sakai /hɔ/, Semang /öh/, Stieng /ou/, /âu/, Bahnar /ô/.Chin. 那 nà (SV na) ‘that’ | M 那 nà, nuó, nèi < MC nʌ < OC *nha:r | According to Starostin : (Schuessler : perhaps: be rich.) In oldest texts the character is used only with the meaning 'to be rich' (sometimes within a compound 猗那 *?a:r-na:r id.). The pronominal meaning (at first only interrogative) appears only during Late Zhou - as a synonym for 奈 *n(h)a:ts 'so what?' (q.v.). Later, during Wei, the character is used for a (probably related) interrogative *n(h)a:/ > MC na^/, Mand. nuo^ (colloq. na^) 'how, what'. Finally, since Tang demonstrative usage is witnessed: MC na^\, Mand. nuo\ (colloq. na\) 'that'. The standard Sino-Viet. reading is nã; này may be an old loanword, or else may be just a rather universal pronominal stem (in Viet. cf. also nó 'he', no. 'other'). ***For the exact word that means ‘this’ in C there is the word 這 zhè (SV giả) VS 'đây', or 'nầy', but to have this item in line with other MK forms, the Chin /nà/, which is cognate to V ‘nớ’ and ‘đó’, fits well into the sound change pattern. Usually demonstrative adjectives originated from the same roots could vary greatly, etymologically.
thẹn ‘to be ashamed, shy'Old Mon /twa/(?), mod. /gwa/, Danaw /kăsʿɑ1/, Riang White /kɤsʿér-/, Black /kəsʿé ʔ -/, Palaung /sɔ’i2/, Wa /kɑɪc5/.Chin. 慚 cán (SV tàm) | M 慚 cán < MC dʒʌm < OC *dʒham ****The V form is cognate to that of the C form. However, it is interesting to note that in V there is another word for ‘shame’, that is ‘mắccở’ and ‘cở’ somehow is similar to other MK forms that start with /k-/ or /g-/.
hỏi ‘ask'Old Mon /smāñ/, mod. /smān/, Danaw /mɑi2/, Riang White and Black /mɑiñ-/, Palaung /hmɑn2/, /hmɔn2/, Wa /mɑiñ2/, Sakai /səman/, Semang /semañ/, Nocobarese /hamâ/, Bahar /apiñ/, T’eng /mañ/, K’mu /mai/ Lemet /mañ/, Khasi /pan/.Chin 問 wèn (SV vấn) | M 問 wèn < MC mʊn, ʋjyn < OC *mun, *mhǝns | Dialect: Cant. /majn2/ ***All forms are cognate. It is interesting to see that all other MK forms also reflect AC /*m-/ in their etyma, but the question remains whether if the MK forms were derived from the that of the C or everything is just merely coincidental.
tắm ‘bathe'Viet. /tắm/, Old Mon /p-hūm/, mod. /hum/, Danaw /θɔn4(u:n4)/, Riang White and Black /hu:n-(om-)/, Palaung /dɑ 2(ôm2)/, /həm2(rɔm2)/, Besisi /hum/, Srê, Stieng /um/, Bahnar /hum/, /pəhum/, T’eng /mum/, Khasi /sum/.Chin. 洗 xǐ (SV tẩy) | M 洗 xǐ < MC siej < OC *sjə:rʔ | Dialect: Cant. /sajh/ || However, according to Starostin, Chin. 浸 jìn is probable source (M 浸 jìn, jīn < MC cjɨm < OC *cim, *cims) to overflow, soak, wet. ( In Mand. also read ji:n (pointing to a variant MC *cjim, OC *cim). The normal Sino-Viet. reading is tẩm; cf. also tắm 'to bathe, have a bath' (probably a colloquial loan from the same source). ***All forms appear to be cognate to each other following the sound change patterns /h- ~ t-/.
cắn ‘to bite'No Old Mon, mod. /kit/, Danaw /kiət3/, Riang White and Black /kak\ /, Palaung /gɑʔ3/, /gɑk3/, Wa /ki:t/, /kʿléat1/, Malay /gigit/.Chin. 嗑 kè (hạp) | M 嗑 kè < MC kap < OC *kəp ****All etyma appear to point to V ‘cắn’.
vay ‘borrow (articles)'No Old Mon, mod. /gleʾ/, Danaw /wɑi2/, Rieng White /yɯm-/, Black /vwɑi\ /, Palaung /kăvwɑi’2/, /kăvw ɔi’2/, Wa /vwɑi2/.Chin. 借 jiè (SV tá) | M 借 jiè, jī < MC cjek, cja < OC *ciak, *ciaks | FQ 資昔, 子夜 ***Except fot the mod. Mon form, all other MK forms appear to be cognate to the V ‘vay’, which usually means ‘to borrow money’. In the meanwhile, in V there is another word ‘mượn’, derived from the Chin 賃 rèn, to use in both cases of either ‘to borrow articles’ or ‘to borrow money’.
chôn ‘to bury'Old Mon /tip/, mod. /tuip/, Danaw /plu4/, Riang White and Black /plu-/, Old Khmer /kap/, Sakai /tapn/, Semang /tam/, Malay /taman/, Bahar /tâp/, Biat /tǒp/, Srê /təp/, Khasi /tep/, Mundari /topa/, Nicobarese /olō/.Chin. 葬 zàng (SV táng) | Also, VS /tang/ | M 葬 zàng < MC tsaŋ < OC *tsaŋ ****While the V 'chôn' and the C 葬 zàng are cognate, all other forms also appear to show similar sound change patterns being cognates.
bế ‘to carry on back'No Old Mon, mod. /bā/, Danaw /bɔʔ4,2/, Riang White /pɑʔ\ /, Black /bɔʔ\ /, Palaung /bɑ‘u2/, Wa /puʔ1/, Mnong Gar /bɑʔ/, Khasi /bah/.Chin. 抱 bāo (SV bão) VS bế, bồng ‘to carry with one’s arm’ | M 抱 bào, bāo, fóu, páo, póu < MC bʌw < OC *bhu:ʔ < PC **puək ****All the MK forms point to the V ‘bồng’ which is in turn cognate also to the C 抱 bāo. To mean ‘to carry on back’, the V has the word ‘vác’ (for objects) which is cognate to the C 負 fù, SV phụ.
chải ‘comb (wet) hair'No Old Mon, mod. /grah/, Danaw /kiɛ`t3/, Riang White and Black /kɑs\/, Nicobarese el-kōat/ (comb), Mundari /nakiʔ/Chin. 梳 shǔ (SV sơ) | M 梳 shū, shù, shǔ < MC ʂjə < OC *sra | ¶ sh- ~ c- ***No correspondences in Luce’s limited list for this item. The V and C forms could possibly be cognate.
cắt ’to cut, cut down'No Old Mon, mod. /bāk/, /kut/, Danaw /mɔk2/, Riang White /mak\ /, Black /mɔk\ /, Wa /mUk3/, T’eng /bok/Chin. 割 gē (SV cát) | M 割 gē < MC kat < OC *ka:t *****The V and C forms are cognates for sure. In Luce's limited list for this item, except for the mod. Mon form /kut/, all other forms seem to suggest the word ‘phạt’ in V which is also certainly cognate to 伐 fá in C.
chết ‘to die'Viet. /chết/, Old Mon /kcit/, mod. /kʿyuit/, Danaw /pyi:n2/, Riang White and Black /yam-/, Palaung /yam2/, Wa /yUm2/, Khmer /khūc/, Stieng /chot/, Biat /khöt/, Srê /chət/, Mnong Gar /khət/, Bahnar /kəcǐt/, Khasi /jot/ (to perish), Mundari /gojoʔ/, Juang /goju/, Santali /gujuk/, T’eng /han/, K’mu /yăm/, Lemet /yam/, Khasi /iap/.Chin. 死 sǐ (SV tử) | M 死 sǐ < MC sji < OC *sijʔ | MC reading 止開三上旨心 **Even though most of the forms in Luce’s list for this item show correspondences to the V articulation of ‘chết’, the ST etyma are worth speculating. See the next section on ST connections and Appendices for the case of ‘chết’.
mộng ‘to dream'Viet. /mộng/, Old Mon /appoʾ/(?), mod. /lapaʾ/, Danaw (ti:n2)pɔ1/, Riang White /(yɛ`t-)rɤmuʔ\ /, Black /(yɛ`t-)rəmuʔ\ /, Palaung /m-bɑu2/, Wa /puʔ1/, Sakai /ěmpoʾ/, Semang /ʾmpāʾ/, Malay /mimpi/, Nicobarese /enfūa/, Stieng /mboi/, Sr ê /mbao/, Bahar /hapō/, /apō/, T’eng /mʾpo/, Kʿmu /kamu/, Khasi /phohsniew/, Mundari /kumu/.Chin 夢 mèng (SV mộng). Also, VS ‘mơ’ | M 夢 mèng < MC mʊŋ < OC *mhjəŋs *****There is no doubt that the C and V forms are certainly cognate, but the other MK forms also show similarity in the sound change patterns that indicate they might also derived from the same source, probably as loanwords. The point to make here is to show htat this fundamentally basic word is all the same across many languages in different linguistic families.
xơi(cơm) ‘eat (rice)'Old Mon /ca(hāp)/, /ca/, Danaw /sué4/, Riang White and Black /sʿuam-/, Palaung /hɑm2/, /hɔm2/, Wa /sɔm2/, Old Khmer /cya/, Sakai /cha/, Semang /chiʾ/, Nicobarese /shâ/, Briat /chat/, Stieng, Srê, Bahnar /sa/, Khasi /bsa/ (to tend), Nicobarese /hâm/, Lemet /som/, Khasi /bam/, Mundari /jom/, Savara /jum/, Gadaba /sōm/, Kurku /jōm/.Chin. 吃 chī (SV ngật, 食 shí (SV thực) | cf. 吃 (喫) chī, jí < MC ʔjet < OC *ʔrjət || M 食 (飼) shí < MC ʑik < OC *ljək *****Both of the Chin, 吃 chī and 食 shí are certainly cognate to the V form ‘xơi’ but at the same time many forms provided in Luce’s list for this item also show similarities in sound change patterns which point to the same root. Again, the question is how come a basic word like ‘eat’ can be a loanword from one to another language?
bay ‘to fly'Old Mon /par/, mod. /paw/, Danaw /pan4/, Riang White /pɤr-/, Black /pər-/, Palaung /kăpɛ`h3/, Wa /pu2/, Khmer /hör/, Semang /kěpuih/, Nicobarese /hēh/, Stieng /par/, Biat /mʾpăr/, Srê /par/, /gēpăr/, Bahnar /păr/, /təpăr/, P’uman /pʿwa/, T’eng /tɯr/, K’mu /tar/, Khasi /her/, Mundari /apit/.Chin. 飛 fēi (SV phi) | M 飛 fēi < MC pwyj < OC *pjəj | FQ 甫微 ****Except for a few exceptions, all forms are cognate to each other, including that of C.
lấy ’to get'Old Mon /goʾ/, mod. /gwaʾ/, Danaw /byɛ`n4/, Riang White and Black /bɔn-/, Palaung /bɤn2/, Wa /bɔn2/, T’eng /buɔ`n/, Khasi /io/.Chin. 拿 ná (SV nã) | M 拿 (拏) ná < MC na < OC *nhra: | Dialects: Nanchang lak41, Hakka : na11, Cant. na12, naa4, laa4 (coloquial: /lɔ12/) ****The strange thing is the Mon and Khasi forms do not seem to be cognate to any other etyma in this limited list for the item while the C /ná/ and the V /lấy/, which are cognates, do not look like having anything to do with any other MK foms.
rời ’go out', 'issue'Old Mon /tīt/, mod. /tit/, Danaw /lé2/, Riang White and Black /lɛ`\ /, Palaung /lih3/, Wa /lih5/, /lah5/, Biat /lôh/, Khasi /mih/.Chin. 離 lí (SV li). Also VS 'lìa' | M 離 lí < MC le < OC *raj, *rajs.****The author could not relate those MK forms to a similar form in V but the C 離 /lí/ looks like it with a slight deviation in meaning which could possibly point to V /ra/ or 出 /chū/ in C, 'go out'.
nhai ‘to grind (teeth)'No Mon forms, Danaw /tjət3/, Riang White /tɤr\kiɛt-/, Black /kriac-/, Palaung /kik2/, Wa /krɯt1/, Shan /kʿuit/.Chin. 嚼 jué (SV tước) | M 嚼 jué, jiáo, jiào < MC ʒjak < OC *ʒhekʷ ***While the V form may be cognate to the C form, all other MK forms in this limited list start with the initial /k-/ which looks like something related to the V ‘cắn’ (bite).
giết ‘to kill'Viet. /giết/, Old Mon /kucit/, mod. /gacun/, Danaw /pyi:n4/, Riang White /pyam-/, Black /pɪɛ`m-/, Palaung /ŋɑʔ3/, / ŋɔʔ3/, Wa /ñah5/, /ñéh5/, Srê /gəsət/, Hanar /kəchǐt/, T’eng /gut/, /pəhan, /pʿān/, Lemet /piam/, Khasi /pyniap/, /pynjot/ (to destroy/, Mundari /goěʔ/. Chin. 殺 shā (SV sát) | M 殺 shā, shài, sà, shài, shì, xuē (sát, sái, tát) < MC ʂɑt, ʂaj < OC *sra:t, *sre:t *sra:ts | FQ 所拜 ****While there is no doubt that both the C and V forms are cognate to each other, but the similarities in the sound change patterns of a few other MK forms appear notable.
cười ‘to laugh'Old Mon and mod. /gruŋ/, Danaw /kălit3/ Riang White / kăñɑʔ1/, Riang White /kɤñɑ s\ /, Black /ŋot\ /, Palaung /kăñ ɑ3/, Wa /ñah5/, /ñéh5/.Chin. 笑 xiào (SV tiếu) | M 笑 xiào < MC sjew < OC *shaws | FQ 私妙 ****All MK forms look like cognates while the V and Chin. forms need some enumeration in order to equate the two etyma.
liếm ‘to lick'No Old Mon, mod. /klān/, Danaw /kăliɛ`t3/, Riang White /lia\ /, Black /liɛ`t\ /, Palaung /lɛ`t/, /lɑ’ʔ1/, Wa / liɛ`t3/, Khmer /līt/, Besisi /tělön/, Nicobarese /tulân/, Malay /jilat/, Khasi /jliah/.Chin. 舔 tiăn (SV thiêm) | M 舔 tiăn < MC t’iem < OC *slem | According to Starostin: to lick (Tang) Viet. liếm must be an archaic loan (unless it is a chance coincidence); standard Sino-Viet. is thiêm. | Zhou: zyxlj p.250 : MC t’iem < OC *t’ijəm < PC*lijəm, *liem, Guangzhou: li-m, TB *(s-)lyjəm ‘tongue’ *****It is interesting so see that most of the listed forms are cognate to each other, including the C.
giở ’to lift’ Old Mon /yok/, /yuk/, mod. Yuik, Danaw /yəik2/, Riang White /yɔŋ\ /, Black /tsɔ\ /, /pʿrɔ-/, Palaung djUk1, Wa /yUk3/, Mnong Gar /yək/, Srê /yō/, K’mu /yôk/, Shan /yuk.Chin. 舉 jǔ (SV cử) | M 舉 jǔ < MC kɔ < OC *klaʔ | Straostin: to rise, surge, start; to lift, promote. Viet. also has giơ 'to show, to raise': is it a colloquial loanword from the same source? Derived with a *k-prefix from *laʔ, see 舁. *****The V form seems cognate to all forms.
khóc ‘to mourn, cry’ Old Mon /yām/, mod. /yām/, Danaw /ñɑn2/, Riang White and Black /yɑm\ /, Palaung /yɑm2/, /yɪm2/, Old Khmer /yām/, Sakai /yabm/, Besisi /yām/, Semang /jām/, /jim/, Nicobarese /chīm/, Stieng, Srê /ñim/, Biat /ñim/, Bahar /ñem/, /ñum/, Pʿu-man /yaŋ/, T’eng /yam/, Lemet /yām/, K’mu /yâm/, Khasi /tām/, Mundari /iam/, Kurku /yam/.Chin. 免 wèn (SV vấn), 哭 kù (SV khấp) | M 免 miăn, wèn < MC mian, men, mun < OC *marʔ, *mən, *mhərs | According to Starostin : MC me/n is not quite regular (*m@/n would be normally expected). For *m- cf. Xiamen bian3, Chaozhou, Fuzhou mien|3, Jianou min|3. Also read *m(h)@r-s, MC mu\n, Mand. wèn 'to mourn, mourning'. || M 哭 kù < MC khuk < OC *kho:k | MC reading 通合一入屋溪 || M 泣 qì < MC khip < OC *khrǝp | FQ 去急 *****While the V ‘khóc’ can be a word to mean both ‘to mourn, cry’ which is cognate to both C 哭 kù SV 'khốc' and 泣 qì 'SV khấp', the author is not sure what form in V that correspond to those MK forms with /yam/, but the Chin. 免 wèn (SV vấn) 'mourning headdress' seem to fit well into the MK patterns.
há ‘open mouth'Viet. /há/, No Old Mon, mod. /hā/, Danaw /hɑ1/, Riang White and Black /ɑŋ-/, Palaung /ɑŋ2/, Wa /ɑŋ2/, Khmer /hā/, Srê /hā/, Bahnar /ha/, Besisi /ɑŋ/, T’eng /ɑŋ/, Khasi /ang/.Chin. 哈 hā (SV cáp, ha), 開 kāi (SV khai) | M 哈 hā, hă, hà, kā, hē, shà ~ ht. QT 合 hé (hợp, hiệp, cáp) < MC ɠɤp < OC *gjə:p || M 開 kāi < MC khɤj < OC *khjə:j | FQ 苦哀 | Cant /hoi1/ ****Except for the /ang/ form, all other forms are cognate to the V /há/, which include those of the C 開 kāi as appearing in Cant /hoi1/.
nhức ‘be in pain'Old Mon uñjey/, /ajey/, mod. /yai/, Danaw /kătsu1/, Riang White and Black /sʿuʔ-/, Palaung /séu2/, Wa /sɑ’ɯʔ1/, Khmer /jnun/, /jnī/, Sakai /ŋi/, /nyi/, /ěnji/, Nicobarese /yē/, /tu/, Stieng, Srê /ji/, Bahnar /ji ʔ/, P’u-man /shu/, T’eng /cu/, /shu/, Lemet /so/, Khasi /suh/, Mundari /hasu/Chin. 熱 rè, also VS 'rát' (sore) | M 熱 rè < MC ɲet < OC *ɲet | cđ MC 山開三入薛日 ****All forms seem to cognate to the V form /nhức/ including the C form with extra form in V as 'rát'.
dệt ’to plait', 'weave'No Old Mon, mod. /tān/, /tut/, Danaw /tɑi4/, /tan2/, Riang White /taiñ-/, Balck /tiɑñ-/, Palaung /ɗak1/ (to weave), Wa /tiɑñ2/, Old Khmer /tāñ/, Malay /dědan/, Nicobarese /tain/, Stieng, Biat , Srê, Mnong Gar, Bahar, T’eng /tañ/, Khasi /thaiñ/, Mundari /teŋ/.Chin. 織 zhí (SV chức) | M 織 zhī, zhí, zhì, chì (chức, chí, xí, thức) < MC tʂək, tʂɨ < OC *tjək, *tjəkh | ¶ zh- ~ j-(d-) | cf. 紙 zhǐ (SV chỉ) VS giấy 'paper' *****All those forms the phonemic intials /t-/, /th-/, and /ɗ-/ seem to point to the V /dệt/ including that of the C form.
trồng 'to plant (tree)' Old Mon /tal/, /til/, mod. /tuiw/, Danaw tɑi4/, /tan2/, Riang White /pɤsʿɤm-/, Black /pək\sʿəm-/, Palaung /sam2/, Wa /tɑiñ2/, Shan /pʿukswam/.Chin. 種 zhòng (SV giống) | M 種 zhǒng, zhòng < MC tʂouŋ < OC ouŋʔ | FQ 之隴 | MC reading: A: 通合三上腫章; B: 通合三去用章 | According to Starostin: seeds; cereals. Also read *toŋʔ-s, MC couŋ (FQ 之用), Mand. zhòng 'to sow'. The word also means 'kind, sort, race' ( > 'seed'), which is reflected in a colloquial Viet. loanword (from another dialectal source) giống 'kind, sort; race, breed, strain' *****It is no doubt that both the V and C forms are certainly cognate, not only in the meaning of 'to plant' but also 'seed, race, kind..' along with other meaning that the C 種 zhòng and zhǒng convey. It is also interesting to see that all other MK forms are also cognate, which substatiate the hypothesis of loanwords cross linguistic families. See discussion at the end of this list.
gặt ’to reap' (with sickle)No Old Mon, mod. /rat/, Danaw /vwəik4/, Riang White /vwəit\ /, Black /vwəic\ /, Palaung /sUk1/, Malay /kěrat/ (to cut), Srê /ros/, Biat /rek/.Chin. 穫 huò (SV hoạch) VS ‘gặt’ | M 穫 huò, huà, hù < MC ɣwaik < OC *whrāk | FQ 胡麥 ****If the Chin. form as 穫 huò and VS ‘gặt’ is equated, that is a picture perfect to correspond to the /v-/ forms that appear throughout. Still, the question is who has borrowed the word from whom?
về ‘to return, go home'Viet. /trở/, Old Mon /cow/, mod. /cau/Danaw /yən2/, Riang White and Black /vwiŋ\ /, Palaung /vwi2 /, Wa /i:ŋ2/, Wa /vwɔk3/, T’eng /věk/, /rəvěk/.Chin. 回 huí (SV hồi), 歸 guī (SV qui) | M 回 huí < MC ɠoj < OC *wjə:j < **PC **qwjə:l || M 歸 guī < MC kwyj < OC *kwɒj ****It appears that V /trở/ is not the right word here as indicated by Luce, or by his informant for that matter, for ‘return’ or ‘go home’. In the meanwhile the V ‘về’ is certainly cognate to the Chin. 回 huí or, its doublet, 歸 guī (SV quy). However, except for the Mon forms, it is interesting to see how the V form is to equate with other MK forms in different appearances.
cỡi ‘ride, mount'Old Mon /duk/, /dok/, mod. /ɗuik/ , Danaw /tən4/, Riang White and Black /tutum/, Bahnar /tōk/.Chin. 騎 qí (SV kỵ). Also VS 'cưỡi' | M 騎 qí < MC ge < OC *ghaj | FQ 渠羈 *****The V is certainly cognate to the C form while others in the MK languages seem to deviate a geat deal if they are cognates at all.
hôi ’to rot, putrid'Viet. /hôi/, no Old Mon, mod. /sa-uai/, Danaw /sʿɔŋ2ɤn4/, Riang White /kʿɤm/, Black /kʿəm-/, Palaung /am2/, Wa /tjuʔ1/, Old Khmer /sa-uy/, T’eng /həʔu/ (to smell bad), Mundari /soěa/, Srê /pəʔum/, Biat, Mnong Gar /ôm/.Chin. 臭 chòu (SV xú) VS ‘hôi’ and ‘thúi’, 腐 fǔ (SV hủ) VS ‘hư’’ and ‘rữa’ | M 臭 chòu, xìu < MC ʨjəw < OC *khiws | MC reading 流開三去宥昌 || M 腐 fǔ < MC bʊ, pu < OC *bhoʔ, *phu *****While other MK forms vary differently, both of the Chin. forms are cognate to those of the V.
gãi ’to scratch, scrape'No Old Mon, mod. /kʿarak/, Danaw /kʿrɛ` ʔ/, /kʿriət3/, Riang White /kiɪt\ /, Black /kɪt\ /, kʿré-/, Wa /tjéh5/, /tjɪh5/ (of thorns), Khmer /kōs/, Besisi /kawait/, Semang /kaid/, Malay /kais/, Nicobarese /takaic/, Stieng /kuac/, Bahnar /kac/.Chin. 抓 zhuà (SV trảo) | M 抓 zhuā < MC tʂaw < OC *tʂaɨw ****The V. form is cognate to that of the Chin. to mean 'scratch'. In the mean while other MK forms deviate differently.
gởi ’to send, conduct’ Old Mon /pindoŋ/, mod. /palăŋ/, Danaw /pʿu1/, Riang White and Black /pʿuʔ-/.Chin. 寄 jì (SV ký) | M 寄 jì < MC kɛ < OC *kajs ****If the V ‘gởi’ and the Chin. 寄 jì are the same lexicons of what Luce meant here in his limited list for this item.
lặn ‘to set' (with the sun) Old Mon /plit/, mod/ /pluit/, Danaw /kɔt2/, Riang White /kɤt-/, Black White /kət-/, /kut\/ (to enter), T’eng /gut/ (to enter).Chin. 落 luò (SV lạc) | M 落 luò, lè, luō, lào, là < MC lak < OC *ra:k | ex. 日落 rìluò (SV nhậtlạc) VS trờilặn 'sunset' | See next chapter on ST. ****Only the Mon forms are cognate to the V /lặn/ while the Chin. form for this item point to /luò/.
bắn ‘to shoot' (with bow)Viet /bắn/, Old Mon /pañ/, mod. /pan/, Danaw /pəiŋ4/, Riang White and Black /pəiñ-/, Palaung /pɑiŋ2/, Wa /púiñ2/, Old Khmer /pañ/, Malay /panah/ (bow), Nicobarese /fɑiŋ/ (crossbow), Biat /pañ/, Mnong Gar /pɛñ/, Bahnar /pɛŋ/, T’eng /piñ/, Lemet /piŋ/.Chin. 放 fàng (SV phóng) | M 放 fàng < MC pwoŋ < OC *paŋs ****All forms are cognate including that of the Chin.
nằm ‘to sleep, lie down'Old Mon /stīk/, mod. /stik/, Danaw /ti:n2/, Riang White /yɛ`t-/, Black /yat-/, /yɛ`t-/, Palaung /iʔ1/, Wa /it1/, Khmer /tak/, Srê /jětek/, Nicobarese /teak/, Lemet /lit/, Khasi /thiah/, Mundari /gitiʔ/.Chin. 躺  tăng (thảng) | M 躺 táng ~ phonetic. M 尚 shàng, cháng < MC ʂaŋ (ʂhaŋ) < OC *dʑɨaŋ | ¶ t- ~ n- | According to Starostin: Proto-Vietmuong: *ŋɨah, *ŋa:h, (lie) on one's back, Viet. 'ngửa' supine, backwards, Proto-Ruc: *ŋah.1, Ruc: C- taŋa:h.1 ***The V ‘nằm’ and the Chin. ‘tăng’, which are cognate but only means ‘to lie down’, show similarity in sound change patterns that correspond to those of the MK forms. Other V and Chin. cognate forms such as 臥 wò (SV ngoạ) VS ‘ngủ’ (to sleep) but they deviate from other forms, where we are trying to find cognates for all languages under examination.)
tẩm 'soak' No Old Mon, mod. /bap/, Danaw /tən4/, Riang White and Black /tam-/, Khasi /pdem/Chin. 浸 jìn (SV tẩm) | M 浸 jìn, jīn < MC cjɨm < OC *cim, *cims | According to Starostin: to overflow, soak, wet. In Mand. also read ji:n (pointing to a variant MC *cjim, OC *cim). The normal Sino-Viet. reading is tẩm; cf. also tắm 'to bathe, have a bath' (probably a colloquial loan from the same source). ****Obviously the V and C forms are cognate to other MK forms in this limited list by Luce except for the mod. Mon /bap/.
đâm ’stab, pierce'No Old Mon, mod. /tʿapak/, Danaw /tat3/, Riang White /tɤ-/, Black /təs-/.Chin. 捅  tǒng (SV đồng) | M 捅 tǒng ~ phonetic. M 桶 tǒng < MC thʊŋ < OC *slho:ŋʔ *****Obviously both C and V forms are cognate while those forms in Luce’s limited list for this item might not be if they are not related to V 'đục' 鑿 zào.
giậtmình ’be startled'No Old Mon, mod. /takuit/, Danaw /kʿrôn2/, Riang White and Black /kʿran-/.Chin. 吃驚 chījīng (SV ngậtkinh) / @ 吃 chī (ngật) ~ giật, thất 失 shì | M 吃 (喫) chī < MC ʔjet < OC *ʔrjət || M 驚 jīng < MC *kaijŋ < OC *kraŋ | ¶ j- ~ m- ***The V ‘giậtmình’ and the C 吃驚 chījīng are definitely cognate and other forms in Luce's limited list for this item does not look like it.
đói ‘to starve'Old Mon /kanlor/ (=famine), mod. /klow/, Danaw /ŋat2/, Riang White and Black/ ŋuat\ /, Old Burmese /ŋat/, Malay /kěbulor/ (famine).Chin. 餒 něi (SV nỗi) | M 餒 (餧) něi, nèi < MC noj < OC *nhūjʔ | ¶ w- ~ đ- || cf. M 餓 è < MC ŋʌ < OC *ŋha:jʔ | ¶ w- ~ đ- | Cant. /ŋɔ/ ***While the V form /đói/ seems to deviate greatly, if not to be cognate to any of the forms at all, while the C 餓 è (SV ngạ) seems to be cognate to those of MK forms listed here except those of the Mon.
trộm ‘burglarize'Old Mon /kumlec/, /kamlec/ (=thief), mod. /klat/, Danaw /rat2/, Riang White and Black /raʔ\ /, Palaung /brɑ2/, Wa /brɛʔ3/, T’eng /luic/, /luêc/, Mundari /reʔ/.Chin. 盜 dào (SV đạo) | M 盜 dào < MC dʌw < OC *dhaws ****The V ‘trộm’ agrees with the C /dào/ and both do not seem to have anything to do with other MK forms.
vuốt ’to stroke'Viet. /vuốt/, Old Mon /aumpot/, /samput/, mod. /spot/, Danaw /pʿyé4/, Riang White /puas-/, Balck /pruas-/, Palaung /puh3puh3/, Wa /mUh5/, Khmer /cpūt/, Malay /sapu/, Stieng /puōt/, /rəpuōt/, Srê /rəpoc/, Biat /rʾpōt/, Bahnar /pōt/, T’eng /puòt/ (to touch), Khasi /syrpud/.Chin 撫 fǔ (SV phủ, mô) | M 撫 fǔ (phủ, 摹 mô) < MC phʊ < OC *phaʔ | Staostin: to accomodate oneself to, follow; manage, handle.The original meaning 'lay the hand on' (whence 'manage, accomodate') is attested somewhat later, during LZ ****All forms seem to be cognate.
sưng ’swell'No Old Mon, mod. /guh/, Danaw /Uət3/, Riang White and Black /as-/, Palaung /ah3/, Wa /u1ah5/, Sakai /ki- âs, Srê /as/, T’eng /tərʔɛh/, Khasi /at/, /iar/.Chin. 腫 zhǒng (SV thũng) | M 腫 zhǒng < MC tʂjwoŋ < OC *tjuŋ ****The V and C forms are certainly cognate to each other while other MK forms seem to show no relation.
cột ‘tie', 'fasten'Old Mon dak/, mod. /dak/, Danaw /tôk1/, Riang White and Black /tuk-/, Palaung /ɗɤk1/, Wa /pyɔk1/, T’eng /tǔk/, Khasi /the.Chin. 結 jié (SV kết) | M 結 jié < MC kiet < OC *ki:t ****V /cột/ is certainly cognate to the C 結 jié which may or may not be related to other MK forms.
ói ’to vomit'No Old Mon, mod. /tʿa-aʾ/, Danaw /ɔ:ʔ2/, Riang White and Black /hɔl-/, Palaung /hɤ2/, /hak1/, Wa /hɑ’2/, Nicobarese /oàu/, Srê /haʔ/.Chin. 嘔 ǒu (SV ẩu). Also VS ợ 'babble', ộc 'throw up' | M 嘔 ōu, ǒu, xū, yù, òu < MC ʔɤw < OC *ʔo:, *ʔo:ʔ | According to Starostin: babble (as a child) (LZ) . Also used for *ʔo:ʔ, MC ʔow, Pek. ǒu 'vomit'.*****While V /ói/ is cognate to the C /ǒu/, some of the other MK forms seem to point to ‘khạc’ 咳 ké (cough) beside VS ‘nhổ’ (C 吐 tù) 'spit' and SV ‘thổ’, a word for ‘vomit’.
muốn ‘want', 'desire'Old Mon /mic/, mod. /mik (gwaʾ)/, Danaw /tsʿɔŋ4/, Riang White and Black /sʿun-/, Palaung /sɤŋ2/, Wa /yUh5/, Bahnar /mɛt/, /kəmɛt/.Chin. 願 yuàn (SV nguyện) VS muốn | M 愿 (願) yuàn < MC ŋwɒn < OC *ŋors | According to Starostin: be attentive, sincere. Viet. 'ngoan' is a colloquial loanword; regular Sino-Viet. is nguyện. Etymologically perhaps = 願 **While the C form 願 yuàn may or may not be cognate to the V /muốn/, the some other MK forms are cognate to each other and VS /mót/ (<~ 'muốn') as in 'mótđái' (want to pee) also Chin. form 想 xiăng.
ngáp 'yawn' Viet. /ngáp/, no Old Mon, mod. /kʿa-āp/, Raing White /ŋɑp-/, /hɑp-/, Palaung /pʿɛ`m2ñɑ’u2/, Wa /ŋɑp3/, Khmer /sŋāp/, Malay /kuap/, Nicobarese /hiŋ-âp/, Biat /nʾgap/, Bahnar /hā-ap/, /gəŋɑp/,, T’eng /hŋɑp/, Khasi /saham/, Mundari /cahabʔ/, /cābr/.Chin. 哈 hā | Colloqiual (Beijing): 哈欠  hāqiān (SV cápkhiếm) VS 'ngáp' <~ (contraction of) M 哈欠 hāqiān | M 哈 hā, hă, hà, kā, hē, shà ~ ht. M 合 hé (hợp, hiệp, cáp) < MC ɠɤp < OC *gjə:p ****All forms are cognate, interestingly, including that of C.

The wide-range list above compiled by Luce is to show the MK strata that underline 245 basic and loanwords words in Danaw, which is a Tibeto-Burman language spoken by an ethnic group living in Burma, and many of them are mixed lexicons across linguistic families. Cases in MK substratum that matter the Danaw language are similar to what actually appears in V with apparent MK substrata seen via its etyma interconnected with different linguistic families at the same time.

As we can see in the list, even though the V etyma -- namely, those etymological items originally provided by Luce himself -- appear selectively in much less than half of his listed items, portions of them are clearly cognate to those etymologies in different linguistic families, embracing all those languages either of the Austroasiatic MK, Austronesian Malay, or Tibeto-Burmic Danaw. In the meanwhile, for only those correspondences in the MK languages, many of the C elements appear to prominently correspond to the V basic words at the same time, which mirror exactly the same scenario where the basic word lists provided by Wilson (1966) and Thomas (1966, p.194) (see the next chapter for both lists, respectively).

In any cases, altogether with Luce's list, the combined etymologies will amply provide a wide-range of 'basic' words, a good and valuable source of data for comparison with etymologies across several linguistic families in the region under investigation. Even though Luce's list is plentiful appropriately for the category of basic words, actually they are not limited only to those of his listed items, that is where additional lists, as forementioned, compiled by Thomas, Wilson, and Baker would complement and fit in here for further cross-examination in MK cross-languages. For those words that the C etyma are involved, plausible cognates in other ST languages, to be provided in the next chapter, will support their affiliation for such cases.

For a layman it is useful to examine in detail how the related sound changes have deviated and diverged morphologically as they may appear differently in each language. As a matter of fact, languages have changed over the course of time and vocabularies mutate diachronically and synchronically, in space and time, especially with loanwords which have to serve both the borrowing language and its people as well. The interrelation involved therein also presents a real challenge to any philologists trying to purge out its loanwords in order to establish a true indigenous layer for genetic classification, i.e., roots from which linguistic family each etymon have actually originated.

In historical linguistics, for those languages without clear genetic linguistic identification, it is of no surprise if any Southeast Asian linguists had come up with the term "mixed language". This may not be applicable to the case of V mainly because with those available basic words already found cognate to those MK languages per se, and on the other side of an equation, it has been already classed as an Austroasiatic language by the AA-MK camp. V is no "generic" language, by the way. In fact, it is believed that there exists no such thing as a "generic" language on earth, including Afrikaan, Albanian, Haitian French, or "Esperanto", etc.

In term of genetic affiliation, however, in many a case, there exists a situation that, typologically, a language A shares a certain percentage of its basic words with it's neighbor B and portions of those of B with C, and C in turn shares some of its other basic ones with D, and so on. In the overall picture down the line, the remote language Z has some of basic etyma that scatter unequally in A, B, or C, and among others. Yet, some of what appears in Z may be cognate to those words in A, B, C... but they might not be genetically related at all, a similar presumption being like those linguistic vestiges of some distant Asian languages seemingly existing in American Indian languages, say, Lake "Tahoe" vs. 'Tàihú' or 太湖 (SV Tháihồ), both meaning closely to the definition of the former indegenous word as "larger body of water" .

Let's postulate an anthropologically linguistic scenario that could be the resultant case -- the end results, or the 'mutated mix', so to speak -- of those existing MK factors in the V (see Fig. "Visual view of linked kinship of Vietnamese" in the beginning of Chaper 8). Let's say, V (for ancient V or Annamese) was a descendant of an ancestral cousin Y (for Yue) of T (to be assigned for proto-Taic) and also an ancestral cousin of X (for Zhuang, also an an ancestral cousin of T), all having had in-laws relationship with Z (for Zhou). Z was later overridden by Q (for Qin) and mutated to have become ascendants XYZ (See Chapter 2) that had given rise to H (for national populaces, or mutated Han) and S (for historical C languages). Given A, B, C, D, etc., as their neighboring unknown, or already dead, languages in ancient times -- recall that ancestors (T, i.e., of proto Taic) of all the Yue aboriginals had taken up vast habitats in areas up to the further northern banks of the Yangtze River and all the way to the northeastern region of today's Shandong Province of China -- and the hypothesis of how V words might have inherited directly from T, Z, and S, and, in turn, its vocabularies spread to distant southern neighbors (MK languages) as a result of "ripling" contacts, e.g. emigration, interaction, trading and bartering, invasion, annexation and integration, etc., as its speakers advance southward. It is noted that even though V and S are not genetically affiliated, they are having linked kinship from its cousin ancestors brought about some intermediate P, R, and Q carriers, e.g., through wars and domination, etc. And all throughout long period and vast space, the mutated K (kinh) emerged and they are the modern V as we see them now.

This hypothesis could be substantiated from all listings on the wordlist cited above where we can classify all the V basic words at least into four groups: (1) the ones that have no connection with those of C, (2) those that are confirmed cognates with C but also concurrently related to those in MK language, (3) those that are more likely cognate to C than to those in MK languages due to direct contacts, (4) words that are listed but appear plausibly cognate only in C and V, and lastly, (5), just like (4), but not listed in any MK basic word lists under examination, i.e., those should be categorized as fundamentally basic lexicons. Below are sampled words in those five categories:

  1. tai, mũi, miệng, cổ, ba, bốn, năm, mới, ruồi, bướm, etc.
  2. mắt 目 mù, tay 臂 bì (cf SV tý), vú 乳 rǔ, thỏ 兔 tù, dê 羊 yáng, đực 特 tè, trứng 蛋 dàn, chấy 虱 shī, mô 巫 wū, bông 葩 pā, cám 糠 kāng, sắt 鐵 tiě, sâu 深 shēn, etc.
  3. tiếng 聲 shēng, lửa 火 huǒ, than 炭 tàn, chổi 帚 zhǒu, etc.
  4. goá 寡 guă, liềm 鐮 lián, mác 茅 máo, thuyền 船 chuán, trọc 禿 tù, etc.
  5. uống 飲, khóc 哭 kù, cười 笑 xiào, bếp 庖 pào, tấm 糝 săn, giếng 井 jǐng, suối 泉 quán, nắng 陽 yáng, etc.

Even though in the wordlist above the V basic forms, by no means inexhausive, are dominantly in agreement with those of C, many of them still appear concurrently in different languages. We can hence assume that the shared portions of the V basic words with the MK others are results of typologically interpolated resettlement where the loanwords, not limited only to those in the basic realm, had infiltrated in different linguistic families as we have seen in Luce's list. (3)

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(3) The same phenomenon can also be observed in other languages of different roots, even though they are lumped together under the umbrella of Indo-European, such as English and French: 'one' ~ 'un' or 'une', 'two' ~ 'deux', 'three' ~ 'trois', 'eye' ~ 'oeil', 'nose' ~ 'nez', 'tongue' ~ 'tongue', 'sun' ~ 'soleil', 'moon' ~ 'lune', 'fire' ~ 'feu', 'time' ~ 'temp', 'mountain' ~ 'montagne', 'wind' ~ 'vent', 'water' ~ 'eau', etc.

 

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